liiiii;
J: \ .'),:: r .
LIBRARY
^nssachc,,^^
1895
GIFT OF
WESTFIELD STATE COLLEGE LIBRARY
ORIGINAL NARRATIVES
OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY
REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D,
DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH IN THE
CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON
WINTHROP'S JOURNAL
1630 — 1649
Volume II
I
m.^ WHOLE i^^
'^Gi BOOKEOFPSALMES ,^H
^^ FaithfuUj "^^
f JL TRANSLATED into ENGLISH f4.2». .
[^r^ W^ereunto IS prefixed a d'ifcourfcde- "^t^
'^jQchring not only che lawfuilnesj butalfopj^cji
^f^ theneceffityoftHcheivenly Ordinance ^iS\
\ y^ ^ cffir^ing scripture Pfalmes in ^^L*'
Vm''^ f he Churches of 'ej*^^
:V God* r^f^
■ii A
?.'i
.*)(^ C^//. sir. -j^jl^
, , ' j'^'iitj ?» «s// iptfdeme^ te Aching ^nd exhort-. r~ \\A
;^n »^^g one amther in Vfdimes^ H?mm$^ and ^\\^
■(1 ^v: ej Imprtfitcd <*1^«>
TITLE-PAGE OF THE "BAY PSALM-BOOK"
From a copy of the original in the New York Public Library
(Lenox Building)
ORIGINAL NARRATIVES
OF EARLT AMERICAN HISTORY
WINTHROP'S JOURNAL
"HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND"
1630—1649
EDITED BY
JAMES KENDALL HOSMER, LLD.
CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY
AND OF THE COLONIAL SOCIETY OF MASSACHUSETTS
IVITH MAPS AND FACSIMILES
VOLUME II
NORMAL SCHOOL
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
NEW YORK 1908
^-^-ct
COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
Published June, 1908
FCl
Yi5
^U
NOTE
For the opportunity to reproduce the title-page of the "Bay
Psalm-Book" we are indebted to Mr. Wilberforce Eames of the
Lenox Library. This book of psalms, translated by various of the
Massachusetts clergy, chiefly by Richard Mather, Thomas Welde
and John Eliot, was the first book issued from the Cambridge Press
set up by Stephen Daye in 1639; indeed, it was the first book printed
in America north of Mexico. It superseded the version of Sternhold
and Hopkins hitherto used at the Bay. Plymouth continued as
before to use the psalm-book of Henry Ainsworth. The "Bay
Psalm-Book" is exceedingly rare; only four perfect copies are known,
only ten copies in all.
The second illustration is a facsimile of the first page of the
memorable New England Confederation of 1643. It seems not to
have been photographed before. Two manuscripts are in existence:
one in the Connecticut State Library, the other in the oflSce of the
Register of Deeds for Plymouth County, at Plymouth. It is the
former which, by the kind consent of the State Librarian, Mr. George
S. Godard, is reproduced in this volume. The document, which is
in a fine state of preservation, is a manuscript of four pages, each of
about 16 by 13 inches in size, and bears date Plymouth, September 5,
1672.
The last facsimile is of two pages from An Almanack for 1649, by
Samuel Danforth, printed at Cambridge in 1649. The first almanac
printed in the colonies was that for 1639, printed in that year by
Stephen Daye, the second product of the Cambridge Press (the first
was the freemen's oath). No copy is known to be extant of any
issue before 1646. All the earlier issues exist in single copies only;
that here reproduced is preserved in the Lenox Library. The
1^050
VI
NOTE
"Chronological Table" here shown may be taken as representing
the average man's conception as to what had been the most
important and memorable events of New England history in the
period covered by these two volumes of the Journal of Governor
John Winthrop.
J. F. J.
CONTENTS
WINTHROP'S JOURNAL
"HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND"
Edited by James Kendall Hosmer
1640
Dudley elected Governor; Gift to Winthrop
Lynn Planters, Dissatisfied, go to Long Island .
Difficulties with the Dutch ....
Rumors of Treachery on the Part of Miantonomo
Arrival of Thomas Gorges at Agamenticus
God's Providence shown in Explosion on Board the Mary Rose
Enmity shown by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and John Mason
Remorse and Confession of Captain John Underhill .
Visit to Boston of Miantonomo
Boundary settled between Massachusetts and Plymouth .
The Book of Common Prayer devoured by Mice
1641
Settlement of Trouble in the Church of Dorchester .
New Meeting House in Boston
Public Spirit of Rev. Hugh Peter .....
Peter, Welde and Hibbins sent to England as Colonial Agents
Troubles of Rev. Hanserd Knollys and Rev. Thomas Larkham
Richard Bellingham elected Governor ....
Action of Long Parliament stays Emigration to New England
Departure of Peter, Welde, Hibbins and John Winthrop, Jr.
Disputes between Connecticut and the Dutch .
Providence Island, in the Caribbean, captured by the Spaniards
Democratic Spirit shown at the Election of Bellingham
Proprietors at Piscataqua offer to come under Massachusetts
New Heresies of Mrs. Hutchinson and Friends at Aquidneck
John Underhill gives Trouble
Parliament confirms the Patent
3
4
5
6
8
9
10
12
14
16
18
22
23
23
25
27
31
31
32
32
33
36
38
39
41
42
Vll
VIU
CONTENTS
PAGE
LaTour makes Overtures for an Alliance 43
Bellingham's Peculiar Marriage 44
God's Judgment on the Crew of the Charles for Working on the Lord's Day 45
Trouble with Bellingham 46
The "Body of Liberties" established 48
Rev. John Cotton opposes William Hathorne 49
1642
Samuel Gorton at Providence
Turner, of Charlestown, drowns himself under Conviction of Sin
New Haven helped at Delaware by a Penitent Pequot
Underbill departs for the Dutch
Winthrop elected Governor
Saltonstall calls in Question the Standing Council
Rev. Richard Gibson, from the Church of England, makes Trouble
Darby Field, First of White Men, ascends White Mountains
Dispute over Sow between Capt. Keayne and Mistress Sherman
Edward Bendall raises the Mary Rose by means of Diving-Bell
Some of the Elders give Advice to Concord ....
Wequash Cook, Indian Preacher, dies very comfortably .
Cotton, Hooker and Davenport invited to Westminster Assembly
Applications for Ministers from Virginia and Barbadoes .
News from Connecticut of Hostile Indian Alliance .
Cutshamekin, Passaconaway and Miantonomo are disarmed
Miantonomo questioned
Four Planters of Providence seek to come under Massachusetts
Discouragement; God's Judgment on Traducers of New England
Nine Bachelors commence at Cambridge
Messengers arrive from LaTour
The White Mountains further explored
The Elders consider Saltonstall's Book on the Standing Council
Merchants Trading with LaTour threatened by d'Aulnay
Sin of Rev. Thomas Larkham of Dover
53
55
56
57
58
59
61
62
64
67
68
69
71
73
74
75
77
81
82
84
85
85
86
88
1643
News out of England causes Appointment of Days of Humiliation . . 91
Excessive Rain, Pigeons and Mice, causing Scarcity 92
Insanity of Mistress Onion, of Roxbury 93
Experiences of the Ministers who went to Virginia 94
War between Dutch and Indians; Roger Williams a Peace-maker . . 95
Parliament thanked for a Great Favor 97
A Confederation of the Colonies effected 98
Text of the Articles of Confederation 100
Arrival of LaTour with a Powerful Ship 105
Professing Friendship and seeking Alliance, he is Hospitably received . 106
Disapproval and Defence of the Favor shown him 108
CONTENTS
The "Sow Business" and the Magistrates' Negative ....
Two Sachems desire to be received under Massachusetts Government
Text of the Agreement with the Sachems .
Capt. Carman's Fight with a Turkish Ship described
CompHcations with LaTour and d'Aulnay .
LaTour charters Boston Ships and departs
War between Uncas and Miantonomo
Dutch complain of Connecticut's Encroachment
Miantonomo captured by Uncas ....
Miantonomo slain .......
Return of Ships chartered by LaTour
Mrs. Hutchinson and her Family killed by Indians near Manhattan
Assembly of Elders at Cambridge disapproves the Presbyterian Way
Gorton and Followers arrested and imprisoned in Boston .
Commissioners of the United Colonies remonstrate with the Swedes
Gorton and his Men Examined, dealt with, and characterized .
A Ship of the Earl of Warwick promotes Disorder . . . ,
1644
A Pinnace blown up, showing God's Judgment on profane Men
Return of Thomas Morton, an Ill-wisher and Traducer
Consultation as to Maintaining the Castle .
Overtures from Cutshamekin and other Sachems
Fortunes of the Plough Patent or Lygonia
Uneasiness about the Defenceless Castle
Letters from the Dutch denying ill Treatment of English
The Sad Case of Mary Latham
The Legislature becomes Bi-cameral ....
The Banishment of Rev. John Wheelwright rescinded
Canonicus and Pessacus purpose to war against Uncas
John Endicott elected Governor; Messengers sent to the Narragansetts
The Magistrates foil a plot of the Essex Deputies
Pumham asks aid against the Narragansetts
Dispute between Magistrates and Deputies as to the Vacancy
Simon Bradstreet and William Hathorne unwisely chosen Commissioners
Deputies refuse Powder to Plymouth and Aquidneck ...
Increase of Anabaptistry in spite of Penalty of Banishment
LaTour arrives to ask for Aid against d'Aulnay ....
Trouble in the Hampton Church over Rev. Mr. Batchellor
D'Aulnay at Penobscot robbed by Englishmen from Maine
English Vessel at Delaware turned back by the Dutch and Swedes .
A Letter, not Conciliatory, sent to d'Aulnay
Captain Stagg seizes a Bristol Ship in Boston Harbor
One Franklin executed for Murder of an Indentured Child
Endicott bewails Jarrings between Magistrates and Deputies
An Over-zealous Constable causes International Misunderstanding .
LaTour sails from Boston with Honors; Thomas Morton dealt with
X CONTENTS
PAGE
Arrival of the Lady LaTour causes more Complications .... 197
Roger Williams arrives with Friendly Letter from Men in Power . . 198
Awkward Complication as to a Ship from Dartmouth .... 199
A Supposed Friar arrives with a Message from d'Aulnay .... 201
Peace arranged between the Mohegans and Narragansetts . . . 204
More Trouble with LaTour 204
Lady LaTour departs 206
Power and Mercy of God shown in Recovery of Children . . . 209
General Court and Elders settle Powers of Magistrates, etc. . . .211
Winthrop and Deputies differ 217
Saltonstall tries to resign 218
1645
The Colony Powder destroyed, wherein is a Special Providence . . 220
The Church at Exeter admonished 221
An Advisory Commission appointed in England 222
John Winthrop, jr., establishes Iron- works 222
Public Schools established; Support for the College 224
Mistress Hopkins of Hartford goes Insane through Studies . . . 225
More Trouble with LaTour and d'Aulnay 225
Deputies arrogate the Right to choose Preacher at Election . . . 226
War in England diminishes the Supply of Laborers 228
Thomas Dudley chosen Governor 229
Trouble over Captaincy of the Hingham Train-band .... 229
Speech of Winthrop defining the Just Bounds of Liberty .... 237
Authority of the Magistrates weakened by Mutinous Practices . . . 240
Rev. Peter Hobart's Presbyterial Spirit 244
Commerce freed from Restraints 246
Angry Controversy with d'Aulnay, who captures LaTour's Fort . . 247
Wreck of the Seafort 248
Higginson, Bulkeley and George Downing depart for England . . . 250
The Castle repaired and strengthened 251
Negroes freed and Offenders punished on a Boston Slave-Ship . . . 252
Commissioners of United Colonies discuss Indian War and LaTour . . 254
Military Officers given full Authority in War Matters .... 254
Sir Henry Vane, the Younger, does New England a Service . . . 256
The New England Divines answer the Opponents of Congregationalism . 257
Laws as to Entertainment of Strangers, etc., maintained .... 259
Dispute between Massachusetts and Plymouth as to Title of Lands . . 261
1646
Rev. Peter Hobart of Hingham gives Further Trouble
Dispute as to Proprietorship of Lygonia
Harmony between Magistrates and Deputies; the Laws digested
Negotiations with d'Aulnay .......
William Vassall and Others petition for Greater Freedom .
264
266
269
270
271
FACSIMILE REPRODUCTIONS
Title-page of the "Bay Psalm-Book." From a copy in the New York
Public Library (Lenox Building) Frontispiece
PAGE
First Page of the Articles of Confederation of the United Colo-
nies OF New England. From the manuscript in the Connecticut
State Library 100
A New England Chronology, from "An Almanack for 1649." From
the original in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) . 340
WINTHROP'S JOURNAL
THE HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND"
I 630-1 649
Vol. H
KOKMAL SCHOOL
WINTHROPS JOURNAL
"THE HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND"
I 630-1 649
1640
(3.) (May) 13.] The court of elections was at Boston, and
Thomas Dudley, Esq., was chosen governor. Some trouble
there had been in making way for his election, and it was
obtained with some difficulty ; for many of the elders labored
much in it, fearing lest the long continuance of one man in the
place should bring it to be for Ufe, and, in time, hereditary.
Beside, this gentleman was a man of approved wisdom and
godliness, and of much good service to the country, and there-
fore it was his due to share in such honor and benefit as the
country had to bestow. The elders, being met at Boston about
this matter, sent some of their company to acquaint the old
governor with their desire, and the reasons moving them,
clearing themselves of all dislike of his government, and
seriously professing their sincere affections and respect towards
him, which he kindly and thankfully accepted, concurring with
them in their motion, and expressing his unfeigned desire of
more freedom, that he might a little intend his private occa-
sions, wherein (they well knew) how much he had lately suf-
fered (for his bailiff, whom he trusted with managing his farm,
had engaged him £2500 without his privity) in his outward
estate. This they had heard of, and were much affected there-
with, and all the country in general, and took course, (the elders
agreeing upon it at that meeting,) that supply should be sent
3
4 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1640
in from the several towns, by a voluntary contribution, for free-
ing of those engagements ; and the court (having no money to
bestow, and being yet much indebted) gave his wife three
thousand acres of land, and some of the towns sent in liberally,
and some others promised, but could perform but little, and
the most nothing at all. The whole came not to £500 whereof
near half came from Boston, and one gentleman of Newbury,
Mr. Richard Dummer, propounded for a supply by a more
private way, and for example, himself disbursed £100.*
This first court there fell some difference between the gov-
ernor and some of the deputies about a vote, upon a motion to
have the fine of £200 imposed upon Mr. Robert Keaine to be
abated. Some would have had it at £100, — others at 100
marks, others at 50, and because the governor put the lowest
to the vote fii'st, whereas divers called for the highest, they
charged the governor with breach of order, whereupon he
grew into some heat, professing that he would not suffer such
things, etc. The deputies took this as a menacing, and much
offence they took at it ; but the next day he cleared his inten-
tion to them, and all was quiet.
Mo. 4 (June).] Divers of the inhabitants of Linne, finding
themselves straitened, looked out for a new plantation, and
going to Long Island, they agreed with the Lord Sterling's
agent there, one Mr. Forrett,^ for a parcel of the isle near the
west end, and agreed with the Indians for their right. The
Dutch, hearing of this, and making claim to that part of the
island by a former purchase of the Indians, sent men to take
possession of the place, and set up the arms of the Prince of
Orange upon a tree. The Linne men sent ten or twelve men
^ This liberality to Winthrop, suffering thus heavily through his devotion to
the public service, is the best possible evidence of the esteem in which he was
held. The large gift of Richard Dummer, in particular, who had been dis-
ciplined in the antinomian excitement, (see Vol. I., p. 215), is a sign, from a
magnanimous sufferer, of appreciation of substantial worth in a persecutor.
=^Read Farrett. James Farrett, a Scotsman, was from 1637 to 1641 the
agent of Lord Stirling for selling lands on Long Island. See Slafter, Sir Wil-
liam Alexander, pp. 87-90.
1G40] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 5
with provisions, etc., who began to build, and took down the
prince's arms, and, in place thereof, an Indian had drawn an
unhandsome face. The Dutch took this in high displeasure,
and sent soldiers and fetched away their men, and imprisoned
them a few days, and then took an oath of them [blank] and so
discharged them. Upon this the Linne men (finding them-
selves too weak, and having no encouragement to expect aid
from the English) deserted that place, and took another at the
east end of the same island; and, being now about forty
families, they proceeded in their plantation, and called one
Mr. Pierson, a godly learned man, and a member of the church
of Boston, to go with them, who with some seven or eight more
of the company gathered (9)* into a church body at Linne,
(before they went,) and the whole company entered into a civil
combination (with the advice of some of our magistrates) to
become a corporation.
• Upon this occasion, the Dutch governor, one William Kyfte,
(a discreet man,) wrote to our governor complaint of the Eng-
lish usurpations, both at Connecticut, and now also at Long
Island, and of the abuse offered to the Prince's arms, etc., and
thereupon excused his imprisoning our men. To which the
governor returned answer, (in Latin, his letter being in the
same,) that our desire had always been to hold peace and good
correspondency with all our neighbors ; and though we would
not maintain any of our countrymen in any unjust action, yet
we might not suffer them to be injured, etc. As for our neigh-
bors of Connecticut, etc., he knew they were not under our
government, and for those at Long Island, they went volun-
tarily from us, etc.^
' /. e., probably in November.
^ From another authority, we learn that the arms of the Prince of Orange
were pulled down by Lieutenant Daniel Howe, who was at times deputy for
Lynn in the General Court. The growth of the plantations, now causing en-
croachment east and west, involved the English in disputes with Dutch and
French neighbors. The occupation of Long Island (near Oyster Bay) was a
menace to Manhattan.
6 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1640
This year there came over great store of provisions, both out
of England and Ireland, and but few passengers, (and those
brought very little money,) which was occasioned by the store
of money and quick markets, which the merchants found here
the two or three years before, so as now all our money was
drained from us, and cattle and all commodities grew very
cheap, which enforced us at the next general court, in the 8th
month, to make an order, that corn should pass in payments
of new debts; Indian at 4s. the bushel; rye at 5s., and wheat
at 6s.; and that, upon all executions for former debts, the credi-
tor might take what goods he pleased, (or, if he had no goods,
then his lands,) to be appraised by three men, one chosen by
the creditor, one by the debtor, and the third by the marshal.
One of the ships, which came this summer, struck upon a
whale with a full gale, which put the ship a stays; the whale
struck the ship on her bow, with her tail a Httle above water,
and brake the planks and six timbers and a beam, and staved
two hogsheads of vinegar.
(7.) (September.)] There was some rumor of the Indians
plotting mischief against the Enghsh ; and, to strengthen this,
the governor of Plymouth, a Mr. Bradford, wrote a letter to
this effect : that he was informed, (and did believe it,) that the
Naragansett sachem, Miantunnomoh, had sent a great present
of wampum to the Mohawks, to aid him against the Enghsh,
and that it was accepted, and aid promised. The Hke news
was brought by Mr. Haynes, one of the magistrates upon Con-
necticut, and many words were taken up from some Indians
among us, which our fears interpreted the same way.* The
governor and council gave no great credit to these suspicions,
yet they thought fit to take order, strengthening the watches
in all towns, and causing them to be ordered by the mihtary
officers, (being before committed to the constables' charge,)
* Rumors thus accredited as to danger from this powerful tribe were certainly
disquieting. We shall have occasion to note certain very harsh measures taken
by the colonists, who felt they were environed by great perils.
1640] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 7
and withal sent Capt. Jenyson with three men and an Indian
interpreter to the Naragansett sachems, to know the truth of
their intentions, etc. They were very kindly entertained, but
they would not speak with him in the presence of his Indian
interpreter, because he was a Pequod, and a servant, and their
enemy, and might discover their councils. So he made use of
another interpreter. They denied all confederations with the
Mohawks, etc., and professed their purpose to continue friend-
ship with us, and not to use any hostility towards the EngHsh,
except they began, etc., and promised to come to Boston (as
he was desired) if Mr. Williams might come with him, (but that
we had denied). Only Janemoh, the Niantick sachem, carried
himself proudly, and refused to come to us, or to yield to any
thing, only he said he would not harm us, except we invaded
him.
The governor and council took from Cutshamekin the
powder and shot they had bought of our people, with promise
to pay for it, or restore it, etc.
This summer there came divers godly men, as they pre-
tended, from Christophers with their families. The occasion
was, one Mr. Collins, a young scholar, full of zeal, etc., preach-
ing in the island, it pleased God, divers were wrought upon by
him, but he and they being persecuted, and their hberty re-
strained, they came away, and brought all their substance in
tobacco, which came at so dead a market, as they could not
get above two pence the pound (the freight came to one penny,
observe,) nor could sell half at that rate. They arrived first
at Quilipiack, (since called New Haven,) and so dispersed
themselves here and there, and some returned to Ireland. Mr.
Collins and one Mr. Hales (a young man very well conceited
of himself and censorious of others) went to Aquiday, and so
soon as Hales came acquainted with Mrs. Hutchinson, he was
taken by her and became her disciple. Mr. Colhns was enter-
tained at Hartford to teach a school, and hearing of Mrs. Hutch-
inson's opinions, etc., wrote to Mr. Hales to beware of her.
8 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1640
Mr. Hales returned him answer, and the next morning he went
away, without taking leave, and being come to Mrs. Hutchin-
son, he was also taken with her heresies, and in great admira-
tion of her, so as these, and other the Hke before, when she
dwelt in Boston, gave cause of suspicion of witchcraft, for it
was certainly known, that Hawkins's wife (who continued with
her, and was her bosom friend) had much familiarity with the
devil in England, when she dwelt at St. Ives, where divers
ministers and others resorted to her and found it true.
This summer here arrived one Mr. Thomas Gorge,* a young
gentleman of the inns of court, a kinsman of Sir Ferdinand
Gorge, and sent by him with commission for the government
of his province of Somersetshire. He was sober and well dis-
posed; he staid a few days at Boston, and was very careful
to take advice of our magistrates how to manage his affairs,
etc. When he came to Acomenticus, now called Bristol,^ he
found all out of order, for Mr. Burdett ruled all, and had let
loose the reigns of liberty to his lusts, that he grew very notori-
ous for his pride and adultery ; and the neighbors now finding
Mr. Gorge well incHned to reform things, they complained of
him, and produced such foul matters against him, as he was
laid hold on, and bound to appear at their court at Sacoe : but
he dealt so with some other of the commissioners, that, when
the coiirt came, Mr. Vines and two more stood for him, but
Mr. Gorge having the greater party on his side, and the jury
finding him guilty of adultery and other crimes, with much
labor and difficulty he was fined (under £30). He appealed
unto England, but Mr. Gorge would not admit his appeal, but
seized some of his cattle, etc. Upon this Mr. Burdett went
^ Thomas Gorges, in spite of his connection with Sir Ferdinando, preserved
friendly relations with his Puritan neighbors, and is- remembered with honor
by the historians of Maine. Richard Vines, too, a cavalier, seems to have been
a respectable man. Perhaps the different bearing of the royalist agents to the
Puritans may have been due in part to a recognition by them of the fact that
the King was powerfully opposed, and that Massachusetts would have in Parlia-
ment an ally to be reckoned with.
^ At present York, Maine,
1640] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 9
into England, but when he came there he found the state so
changed, as his hopes were frustrated, and he, after taking part
with the cavaUers, was committed to prison.
One Baker, master's mate of the ship [blank,] being in drink,
used some reproachful words of the queen. The governor
and council were much in doubt what to do with him, but
having considered that he was distempered and sorry for
it, etc., and being a stranger and a chief officer in the ship, and
many ships were then in harbor, they thought it not fit to inflict
corporal punishment upon him, but after he had been two or
three days in prison, he was set an hour at the whipping post
with a paper on his head, and so dismissed.
Mo. 5. (July) 27.] Being the second day of the week, the
Mary Rose, a ship of Bristol, of about 200 tons, her master one
Capt. [blank,] lying before Charlton, was blown in pieces with
her own powder, being 21 barrels; wherein the judgment of
God appeared, for the master and company were many of them
profane scoffers at us, and at the ordinances of religion here;
so as, our churches keeping a fast for our native country, etc.,
they kept aboard, at their common service, when all the rest
of the masters came to our assemblies; likewise the Lord's day
following ; and a friend of his going aboard next day and asking
him, why he came not on shore to our meetings, his answer
was, that he had a family of his own,. etc., and they had as good
service aboard as we had on shore. Within two hours after
this (being about dinner time) the powder took fire (no man
Imows how) and blew all up, viz. the captain and nine or ten of
his men, and some four or five strangers. There was a special
providence that there were no more, for many principal men
were going aboard at that time, and some were in a boat near
the ship, and others were diverted by a sudden shower of
rain, and others by other occasions. There was one man saved,
being carried up in the scuttle, and so let fall in the same into
the water, and being taken up by the ferry boat, near dead, he
came to himself the next morning, but could not tell any thing
10 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1640
of the blowing up of the ship, or how he came there. The rest
of the dead bodies were after found, much bruised and broken.
Some goods were saved, but the whole loss was estimated at
£2,000. A 20s. piece was foimd sticking in a chip, for there
was above £300 in money in her, and 15 tons of lead, and 10
pieces of ordnance, which a year after were taken up, and the
hull of the ship drawn ashore.
This judgment of God upon these scomers of his ordi-
nances and the ways of his servants (for they spake very evil
of us, because they found not so good a market for their com-
modities as they expected, etc.) gives occasion to mention other
examples of like kind, which fell out at this and other times,
by which it will appear how the Lord hath owned this work,
and preserved and prospered his people here beyond ordinary
ways of providence.
One Capt. Mason of London,' a man in favor at court, and a
professed enemy to us, had a plantation at Pascataquack ;
which he was at great charge about, and set up a sawmill, but
nothing prospered. He provided a ship, which should have
been employed to have brought a general governor, or in
some other design to our prejudice, but in launching of it, her
back was broken. He also employed Gardiner, and Morton,
and others, to prosecute against us at council table, and by a
quo warranto, etc., so as Morton wrote divers letters to his
friends here, insulting against us, and assuring them of our
speedy ruin, etc. But the Lord still disappointed them, and
frustrated all their designs. As for this Mason, he fell sick and
died soon after, and in his sickness he sent for the minister, and
bewailed his enmity against us, and promised, if he recovered,
to be as great a friend to New England as he had formerly been
an enemy.
Sir Ferdinand Gorge also had sided with our adversaries
against us, but underhand, pretending by his letters and
1 John Mason, of the Piscataqua, must not be confounded with John Mason
of Connecticut, captain in the Pequot war.
1640] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 11
speeches to seek our welfare ; but he never prospered. He at-
tempted great matters, and was at large expenses about his
province here, but he lost all.
One Austin (a man of good estate) came with his family in
the year 1638 to Quinipiack, and not finding the country as he
expected, he grew discontented, saying that he could not sub-
sist here, and thereupon made off his estate, and with his family
and £1000 in his purse, he returned for England in a ship
bound for Spain, against the advice of the godly there, who
told him he would be taken by the Turks ; and it so fell out, for
in Spain he embarked himself in a great ship bound for Eng-
land which carried £200,000 in money, but the ship was taken
by the Turks, and Austin and his wife and family were carried
to Algiers, and sold there for slaves.^
The Lord showed his displeasure against others, though
godly, who have spoken ill of this coimtry, and so discouraged
the hearts of his people ; even the lords and others of Providence
having spoken too much in that kind, thinking thereby to
further their own plantation. They set out a ship the last year
with passengers and goods for Providence, but it was taken by
the Turks. Captain Newman, the same year, having taken
good prizes in their service, returning home, when he was near
Dover, was taken by a Dunkirker, and all lost. Mr. Humfrey,
who was now for Providence with his company, raised an ill
report of this country, were here kept, in spite of all their en-
deavors and means to have been gone this winter, and his corn
and all his hay to the value of £160 were burnt by his own
*"Here," says Savage in a foot-note, "ends the perfect text of the second
venerable MS. of the author, which began in my Vol. I., p. 197 [Vol. I., p. 191, of
this edition]. On the morning of the 10th November [1825], the original was
destroyed by fire, and my copy, on which the labor of collation, equally faithful
and pleasant, had been bestowed by me, three times, in different years, was also
lost. Another copy, designed for the printers, shared the same fate, except that
the few pages foregoing, having been sent to the press, were preserved. From
this place to the end of the second volume of the original MS. [ fost, p. 207]
the boast of a pure text, with correction of the grosser errors denoted in the margin,
and supplying of omissions in the former edition, must be abandoned."
12 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1640
servants^ who made a fire in his barn, and by gunpowder, which
accidentally took fire, consumed all; himself having at the
court before petitioned for some supply of his want, whereupon
the court gave him £250. Soon after also Providence was
taken by the Spaniards, and the lords lost all their care and
cost to the value of above £60,000/
Mo. 7. (September) 3.] Captain Underbill being brought, by
the blessing of God in this church's censure of excommunica-
tion, to remorse for his foul sins, obtained, by means of the
elders, and others of the church of Boston, a safe conduct under
the hand of the governor and one of the council to repair to the
church. He came at the time of the court of assistants, and
upon the lecture day, after sermon, the pastor called him forth
and declared the occasion, and then gave him leave to speak:
and indeed it was a spectacle which caused many weeping eyes,
though it afforded matter of much rejoicing to behold the
power of the Lord Jesus in his own ordinances, when they are
dispensed in his own way, holding forth the authority of his
regal sceptre in the simphcity of the gospel. He came in his
worst clothes (being accustomed to take great pride in his
bravery and neatness) without a band, in a foul linen cap pulled
close to his eyes ; and standing upon a form, he did, with many
deep sighs and abundance of tears, lay open his wicked course,
his adultery, his hypocrisy, his persecution of God's people here,
and especially his pride (as the root of all, which caused God
to give him over to his other sinful courses) and contempt of
the magistrates. He justified God and the church and the
court in all that had been inflicted on him. He declared what
power Satan had of him since the casting out of the church;
how his presumptuous laying hold of mercy and pardon, before
God gave it, did then fail him when the terrors of God came
^ So ended in disaster the scheme which had threatened the uprooting of
New England, the hand of God in Winthrop's eyes being clearly visible in the
misfortunes of the disaffected. I'he Providence referred to is the island Provi-
dence, or Catalina, off the Nicaraguan coast.
1640] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 13
upon him, so as he could have no rest, nor could see any issue
but utter despair, which had put him divers times upon resolu-
tions of destroying himself, had not the Lord in mercy prevented
him, even when his sword was ready to have done the execu-
tion. Many fearful temptations he met with beside, and in all
these his heart shut up in hardness and impenitency as the
bondslave of Satan, till the Lord, after a long time and great
afflictions, had broken his heart, and brought him to humble
himself before him night and day with prayers and tears till his
strength was wasted ; and indeed he appeared as a man worn
out with sorrow, and yet he could find no peace, therefore he
was now come to seek it in this ordinance of God. He spake
well, save that his blubbering, etc., interrupted him, and all
along he discovered a broken and melting heart, and gave good
exhortations to take heed of such vanities and beginnings of
evil as had occasioned his fall ; and in the end he earnestly and
humbly besought the church to have compassion of him, and
to deliver him out of the hands of Satan. So accordingly he
was received into the church again ; and after he came into the
court (for the general court began soon after) and made confes-
sion of his sin against them, etc., and desired pardon, which
the court freely granted him, so far as concerned their private
judgment. But for his adultery they would not pardon that
for example's sake, nor would restore him to freedom, though
they released his banishment, and declared the former law
against adultery to be of no force ; so as there was no law now
to touch his life, for the new law against adultery was made
since his fact committed. He confessed also in the congrega-
tion, that though he was very familiar with that woman, and
had gained her affection, etc., yet she withstood him six months
against all his solicitations (which he thought no woman could
have resisted) before he could overcome her chastity, but being
once overcome, she was wholly at his will. And to make
his peace the more sound, he went to her husband (being a
cooper) and fell upon his knees before him in the presence of
14 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1640
some of the elders and others, and confessed the wrong he had
done him, and besought him to forgive him, which he did very
freely, and in testimony thereof he sent the captain's wife a
token/
4. 5. 6.] It rained three days and nights together, and the
tides were extraordinary high.
Mo. 9 (November).] It is before declared how the church
of Boston sent messengers and a letter to their members at
Aquiday, and how they refused to hear them, pretending them-
selves to be no members, being now so far removed. Where-
upon the elders and most of the church intended to have cast
them out, as refusers to hear the church ; but some others de-
sired that the church would write to them once again, which
accordingly was done, and the letter drawn by Mr. Cotton,
wherein he fully repeated all former proceedings, both of the
church and of the court, and justified both, and condemned
their errors and disturbance of the peace here, and their re-
monstrance, and Mr. Wheelwright's sermon, (which formerly,
among other his faihngs, being misled by their subtilty, etc.,
he had justified and commended,) and showed how the church
had been wronged by them.
Miantunnomoh, the sachem of Naragansett, came, and was
met at Dorchester by Captain Gibbons and a guard of twelve
musketeers, and well entertained at Roxbury by the governor ;
but when we came to parley, he refused to treat with us by our
Pequod interpreter, as he had done before to Captain Jenyson,
and the governor being as resolute as he, refused to use any
other interpreter, thinking it a dishonor to us to give so much
way to them. Whereupon he came from Roxbury to Boston,
departing in a rude manner, without showing any respect or
sign of thankfulness to the governor for his entertainment,
' This curious passage, held by Savage to be one of Winthrop's " best delinea-
tions of manners," is not conclusive as to the sincerity of Underhill's repentance.
Underhill is supposed to have lived until 1672, his later career being in Connecticut,
on Long Island, and among the Dutch. He held offices of importance, and
found opportunity to increase his fame as an Indian fighter.
1640] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 15
whereof the governor informed the general court, and would
show him no countenance, nor admit him to dine at our table,
as formerly he had done, till he had acknowledged his failing,
etc., which he readily did, so soon as he could be made to un-
derstand it, and did speak with our committees and us by a
Pequod maid who could speak English perfectly. But it was
conceived by some of the court that he kept back such things
as he accounted secrets of state, and that he would carry home
in his breast, as an injury, the strict terms he was put to both
in this, and the satisfaction he was urged to for not observ-
ing our custom in matter of manners, for he told us that
when our men came to him, they were permitted to use
their own fashions, and so he expected the same hberty
with us. So as he departed and nothing agreed, only the
former articles of peace were read to him and allowed by him
with this addition, that if any of his men did set traps in
our jurisdiction, etc., they should be hable to satisfy all dam-
ages, etc.
Mo. 8 (October).] The elders had moved at a general court
before, that the distinction between the two jurisdictions might
be set down, that the churches might know their power, and the
civil magistrate his. The same had been moved by the magis-
trates formerly, and now at this court they presented a writing
to that effect, to be considered by the court, wherein they
declared that the civil magistrate should not proceed against
a church member before the church had dealt with him, with
some other restraints which the court did not allow of. So
the matter was referred to further consideration, and it ap-
peared, indeed, that divers of the elders did not agree in those
points.^
At this court Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, pastor of the church in
Rowley, being not kindly dealt with, nor justly, as he alleged,
^The passage illustrates the growth of ecclesiastical power at the expense
of the civil authority, the theocratic feature of the polity becoming now pro-
nounced.
16 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1640
concerning the limits of their town, moved for further enlarge-
ment for taking in a neck of land upon Merrimack near Co-
chitawit/ for which end they desired their line might run square
from Ipswich line. This line was granted, and he said it should
satisfy, but within an hour after it was discovered that he was
mistaken, and that such a line would not reach the neck,
whereupon he came again and confessed his mistake, and still
demanded the neck. The court was very doubtful what to do
in it, having formerly granted a plantation at Cochitawit, and
did not yield his request. Whereupon he pleaded justice, upon
some promises of large accommodations, etc., when we desired
his sitting down with us, and grew into some passion, so as in
departing from the court, he said he would acquaint the elders
with it. This behavior, being menacing, as it was taken,
gave just cause of offence to the court, so as he was sent for,
not by the officer, but by one of Rowley deputies. Before he
came, he wrote to the governor, wherein he confessed his pas-
sionate distemper, declared his meaning in those offensive
speeches, as that his meaning was that he would propound the
case to the elders for advice only about the equity of it, which
he still defended. This would not be accepted, but the court
would have him appear and answer: only they left him to take
his own time, so the next day he came, not accompanied with
any other of the elders, though many were then in town, and
did freely and humbly blame himself for his passionate distem-
per; and the court knowing that he would not yield from the
justice of his cause, (as he apprehended it,) they would not put
him upon any temptation, but accepted his satisfaction, and
freely granted what he formerly desired.
A commission had formerly been granted to Mr. Endecott
and Mr. Stoughton for joining with the commissioners of
Plymouth, who met the second time at Scituate, and there came
to a full agreement, which was certified this court, and recorded
to this effect: That the bounds should be that branch of
^ Later Andover.
1640] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 17
Conyhassett creek nearest to Scituate, with 60 acres of marsh
in the south side.*
The scarcity of money made a great change in all commerce.
Merchants would sell no wares but for ready money, men could
not pay their debts though they had enough, prices of lands
and cattle fell soon to the one half and less, yea to a third, and
after one fourth part.
Mo. 10. {December) 9.] The church of Watertown ordained
Mr. Ivnolles,^ a godly man and a prime scholar, pastor, and so
they had now two pastors and no teacher, chffering from the
practice of the other churches, as also they did in their privacy,
not giving notice thereof to the neighboring churches, nor to
the magistrates, as the common practice was.
At the court of assistants one Hugh Bewett was banished
for holding publicly and maintaining that he was free from
original sin and from actual also for half a year before, and
that all true christians after [blank] are enabled to live without
committing actual sin.
15.] A pinnace called the Coach, being in her voyage to
New Haven (late Quinipiack) between Salem and Cape Cod,
sprang a leak, so as in the morning they found her hold half
filled with water; whereupon the seamen and passengers be-
took themselves to their skiff, being a very small one, and the
wind then growing very high at S. W. Only one Jackson, a
godly man and an experienced seaman, would not leave the
vessel before he had tried the utmost, so getting them in again,
and laying the bark upon the contrary side, they fell to get-
ting out the water, which, it pleased God, they overcame, and
having a fine fresh gale, they got safe back to Salem.
^ The full text of the agreement is given by Bradford, History of Plymouth
Plantation, p. 351, of the edition in this series.
^ Rev. John Knowles, not to be confounded with Hanserd Knollys before
mentioned. His ordination after this fashion, as colleague of the respected
Phillips, is an extreme assertion of the spirit of Congregationalism; in this we
may see the hand of Phillips, whose radical temper was manifest from the first.
Savage finds here a confirmation of his belief that no essential difference separated
the offices of preacher and pastor.
18 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1640
Mr. Pelham's house in Cambridge took fire in the dead of
the night by the chimney. A neighbor's wife hearing some
noise among her hens, persuaded her husband to arise, which,
being very cold, he was loth to do, yet through her great
importunity he did, and so espied the fire, and came running
in his shirt, and had much to do to awake any body, but he
got them up at last, and so saved all. The fire being ready
to lay hold upon the stairs, they had all been burnt in their
chambers, if God had not by his special providence sent help
at that very instant.
About this time a pinnace called the Make Shift, (so called
because she was built of the wreck of a greater vessel at the
Isle of Sable, and by that means the men saved,) being on a
voyage to the southward, was cast away upon a ledge of rocks
near Long Island, the goods were all lost, but the men were
saved. No winter but some vessels have been cast away in
that voyage.
About this time there fell out a thing worthy of observation.
Mr. Winthrop the younger, one of the magistrates, having
many books in a chamber where there was com of divers sorts,
had among them one wherein the Greek testament, the psalms
and the common prayer were bound together. He found the
common prayer eaten with mice, every leaf of it, and not any
of the two other touched, nor any other of his books, though
there were above a thousand.^
Quere, of the child at Cambridge killed by a cat.
Mo. 8 (October).] We received a letter at the general court
from the magistrates of Connecticut and New Haven and of
Aquiday, wherein they declared their disHke of such as would
have the Indians rooted out, as being of the cursed race of Ham,
* The mice, like the men, in New England, Winthrop thinks were charac-
terized by most aggressive dissent; but Savage suggests that the mice, perhaps,
" not liking psalmody and not understanding Greek, took their food from another
part of the volume. ... If the cat [mentioned in the next line of text] had been
in Winthrop's library, she might have prevented the stigma on the Common
Prayer."
1640] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 19
and their desire of our mutual accord in seeking to gain them
by justice and kindness, and withal to watch over them to
prevent any danger by them, etc. We returned answer of
our consent with them in all things propoimded, only we re-
fused to include those of Aquiday in our answer, or to have any
treaty with them.
Mo. 10 (December).] About the end of this month, a fishing
ship arrived at Isle of Shoals, and another soon after, and there
came no more this season for fishing. They brought us news
of the Scots entering into England, and the calling of a parha-
ment, and the hope of a thorough reformation, etc., whereupon
some among us began to think of returning back to England.
Others despairing of any more supply from thence, and yet not
knowing how to live there, if they should return, bent their
minds wholly to removal to the south parts, supposing they
should find better means of subsistence there, and for this end
put off their estates here at very low rates. These things, to-
gether with the scarcity of money, caused a sudden and very
great abatement of the prices of all our own commodities.
Com (Indian) was sold ordinarily at three shillings the bushel,
a good cow at seven or eight pounds, and some at £5, — and
other things answerable (see the order of court in 8ber. (October)
about these things) whereby it came to pass that men could not
pay their debts, for no money nor beaver were to be had, and
he who last year, or but three months before, was worth £1000,
could not now, if he should sell his whole estate, raise £200,
whereby God taught us the vanity of all outward things, etc.^
*The Parliament whose opening is referred to in this paragraph was the
famous Long Parliament; the convening of this body was an event epoch-making
for New as well as Old England. Since persecution no longer came from court
and church, the main incentive to emigration was removed. The additions to
the colony were henceforth not numerous: the body of twenty-thousand that were
already estabhshed, a compact, homogeneous population, during the coming
century and a half multiplied from within itself almost undisturbed. These
are the people who have given character to the six north-eastern states of America,
and influenced so widely the character and fortunes of our country in general.
See Palfrey, History of New England, preface. Though king and bishop ceased
20 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1640
One Taylor, of Linne, having a milch cow in the ship as he
came over, sold the milk to the passengers for 2d the quart, and
being after at a sermon wherein oppression was complained
of, etc., he fell distracted. Quere, of the price, for 2d the
quart was not dear at sea.
This evil was very notorious among all sorts of people, it
being the common rule that most men walked by in all their
commerce, to buy as cheap as they could, and to sell as dear.
A great ship called the Charles, of above 300 tons, brought
passengers hither this year. The master was a plain, quiet
man, but his company were very wicked, and did wrong the
passengers much, and being at Pascataquack to take in clap-
boards with another ship wherein Mr. Peter by occasion
preached one Lord's day, the company of the Charles did use
all the means they could to disturb the exercise, by hooting
and hollooing, but in their return they were set upon by the
Turks and divers of them killed.
A wicked fellow, given up to bestiality, fearing to be taken
by the hand of justice, fled to Long Island, and there was
drowned. He had confessed to some, that he was so given up
to that abomination, that he never saw any beast go before him
but he lusted after it.
Mr. Nathaniel Eaton, of whom mention is made before, be-
ing come to Virginia, took upon* him to be a minister, but was
given up of God to extreme pride and sensuality, being usually
to trouble, the colonies were still beset by embarrassments from over sea. The
victory of Parliament at length was a victory which they welcomed; but the
Presbyterians who now came into power were no friends to Congregationalism.
In 1648, the Independents triumphed over the Presbyterians: these indeed the
colonists might feel were brothers of their own household. They had followed
the "New England way" in setting up the Commonwealth. See Thornton,
Historical Relation of Neiv England to the English Commonwealth; also Borgeaud,
The Rise of Modern Democracy in Old and New England. But Independency
during the Commonwealth took on through Roger Williams, Vane, Cromwell
and the rest, a tolerant temper not congenial to John Endicott and Nathaniel
Ward, nor even to the more moderate minds of Winthrop and Cotton. Now,
for twenty years. New England wrought out its own problems, but at last, at the
-Restoration, the hand of the Stuart was again felt.
1640] ■ THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 21
drunken, as the custom is there.' He sent for his wife and
children. Her friends here persuaded her to stay awhile, but
she went notwithstanding, and the vessel was never heard of
after.
* Virginia stands low in Winthrop's esteem; though, as Savage suggests,
the charge of drunkenness is to be referred only to the clergy. The passage
may be another illustration of the depth of the estrangement from the Church
of England. The previous passage respecting Eaton is in Vol. I., pp. 310-315.
1641
Mo. 12. (February) 2.] The church of Dorchester being
furnished with a very godly and able pastor, one Mr. Mather,
and having invited to them one Mr. Burr, who had been a
minister in England, and of very good report there for piety and
learning, with intent to call him also to office, after he was re-
ceived a member in their church, and had given good proofs of
his gifts and godliness to the satisfaction of the church, they
gave him a call to office, which he deferring to accept, in the
mean time he delivered some points savoring of familism,
wherein the church desiring satisfaction, and he not so free to
give it as was meet, it was agreed that Mr. Mather and he
should confer together, and so the church should be informed
wherein the difference lay. Accordingly Mr. Burr wrote his
judgment in the points in difference, in such manner and terms
as from some of his propositions there could no other be gath-
ered but that he was erroneous ; but this was again so qualified
in other parts as might admit of a charitable construction.
Mr. Mather reports to the church the errors which might be
collected, without mentioning the qualification, or acquainting
Mr. Burr with it before. When this was published, Mr. Burr
disclaimed the errors, and Mr. Mather maintained them from
his writings; whereupon the church was divided, some joining
with the one, and some with the other, so as it grew to some
heat and alienation, and many days were spent for reconcilia-
tion, but all in vain. In the end they agreed to call in help from
other churches, so this day there was a meeting at Dorchester
of the governor and another of the magistrates, and about ten
of the elders of the neighboring churches, wherein four days
were spent in opening the cause, and such offences as had fallen
out in the prosecution ; and in conclusion the magistrates and
22
1641] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 23
elders declared their judgment and advice in the case to this
effect ; that both sides had cause to be humbled for their fail-
ings, more particularly Mr. BmT for his doubtful and unsafe
expressions, and backwardness to give clear satisfaction, etc.,
and Mr. Mather for his inconsideration, both in not acquainting
Mr. Burr with his collections before he had published them to
the church, and in not certifying the qualifications of those
errors which were in his writings : for which they were advised
to set a day apart for reconciliation. Upon this Mr. Mather
and Mr. Burr took the blame of their failings upon themselves,
and freely submitted to the judgment and advice given, to
which the rest of the church yielded a silent assent, and God
was much glorified in the close thereof; and Mr. Burr did again
fully renounce those erroneous opinions of which he had been
suspected, confessing that he was in the dark about these
points, till God, by occasion of this agitation, had cleared them
to him, which he did with much meekness and many tears.*
The church of Boston were necessitated to build a new
meeting house, and a great difference arose about the place
of situation, which had much troubled other churches on the
like occasion, but after some debate it was referred to a com-
mittee, and was quietly determined. It cost about £1000,
which was raised out of the weekly voluntary contribution
without any noise or complaint, when in some other churches
which did it by way of rates, there was much difficulty and
compulsion by levies to raise a far less sum.
The general fear of want of foreign commodities, now our
money was gone, and that things were hke to go well in Eng-
land, set us on work to provide shipping of our own, for which
end Mr. Peter,^ being a man of a very public spirit and singular
activity for all occasions, procured some to join for building a
ship at Salem of 300 tons, and the inhabitants of Boston, stirred
* Burr, of good education and ability, gave promise of eminence, but died
the year following this.
'Rev. Hugh Peter.
24 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1641
up by his example, set upon the building another at Boston of
150 tons. The work was hard to accomplish for want of
money, etc., but our shipwrights were content to take such pay
as the country could make. The shipwright at Salem, through
want of care of his tackle, etc., occasioned the death of one
Baker, who was desired with five or six more to help hale up
a piece of timber, which, the rope breaking, fell down upon
them. The rest by special providence were saved. This
Baker, going forth in the morning very well, after he had
prayed, told his wife he should see her no more, though he
could not forsee any danger towards him.
The court having found by experience, that it would not
avail by any law to redress the excessive rates of laborers' and
workmen's wages, etc. (for being restrained, they would either
remove to other places where they might have more, or else
being able to live by planting and other employments of their
own, they would not be hired at all,) it was therefore referred
to the several towns to set down rates among themselves.
This took better effect, so that in a voluntary way, by the coun-
sel and persuasion of the elders, and example of some who led
the way, they were brought to more moderation than they
could be by compulsion. But it held not long.
Upon the great liberty which the king had left the parlia-
ment to in England, some of our friends there wrote to us ad-
vice to send over some to sohcit for us in the parliament, giving
us hope that we might obtain much, etc. But consulting about
it, we declined the motion for this consideration, that if we
should put ourselves under the protection of the parliament, we
must then be subject to all such laws as they should make, or
at least such as they might impose upon us; in which course
though they should intend our good, yet it might prove very
prejudicial to us.^ But upon this occasion the court of assist-
* Jonathan Trumbull, revolutionary governor of Connecticut, noted this
passage as characterized by the same independence of Parliament, that marked
the men of his own time.
1641] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 25
ants being assembled, and advising with some of the elders
about some coui'se to serve the providence of God, in making
use of present opportunity of a ship of our own being ready
bound for England, it was thought fit to send some chosen men
in her with commission to negotiate for us, as occasion should
be offered, both in furthering the work of reformation of the
churches there which was now like to be attempted, and to
satisfy our countrymen of the true cause why our engagements
there have not been satisfied this year, as they were wont to be
in all former time since we were here planted ; and also to seek
out some way, by procuring cotton from the West Indies, or
other means that might be lawful, and not dishonorable to the
gospel for our present supply of clothing, etc., for the country
was like to afford enough for food, etc. The persons designed
hereto were Mr. Peter, pastor of the church of Salem, ^ Mr.
Welde, the pastor of the church of Roxbury, and Mr. Hibbins
of Boston. For this end the governor and near all the rest of
the magistrates and some of the elders wrote a letter to the
church of Salem, acquainting them with om' intentions, and
desiring them to spare their pastor for that service. The
governor also moved the church of Roxbury for Mr. Welde,
whom, after some time of consideration, they freely yielded.
But when it was propounded to the church of Salem, Mr.
Endecott, being a member thereof, and having formerly op-
posed it, did now again the like in the church. Some reasons
were there alleged, as that officers should not be taken from their
churches for civil occasions, that the voyage would be long and
dangerous, that it would be reported that we were in such want
as we had sent to England to beg relief, which would be very
dishonorable to religion, and that we ought to trust God who
had never failed us hitherto, etc. But the main reason, indeed,
which was privately intimated, was their fear lest he should be
* Evidences abound of the great usefulness of Hugh Peter, who figures less
in the dreary controversies than as the promoter of works of practical advantage.
The reluctance of Salem to part with him can easily be understood.
26 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1641
kept there, or diverted to the West Indies, for Mr. Humfrey
intended to go with him, who was already engaged that way by
the lord Say, etc., and therefore it was feared he should fall
under strong temptations that way, being once in England;
and Mr. Humfrey discovered his intentions the more by falling
foul upon Mr. Endecott in the open assembly at Salem for
opposing this motion, and with that bitterness as gave great
offence, and was like to have grown to a professed breach be-
tween them, but being both godly, and hearkening to season-
able counsel they were soon reconciled, upon a free and public
acknowledgment of such failings as had passed. But the
church, not willing to let their pastor go, nor yet to give a plain
denial to the magistrates' request, wrote an answer by way of
excuse, tendering some reasons of their unsatisfiedness about
his going, etc. The agitation of this business was soon about
the country, whereby we perceived there would be sinister in-
terpretations made of it, and the ship being suddenly to depart,
we gave it over for that season.
Mo. 2. (April) 13.] A negro maid, servant to Mr. Stough-
ton of Dorchester, being well approved by divers years'
experience, for sound knowledge and true godliness, was re-
ceived into the church and baptized.
Some agitation fell out between us and Plymouth about
Seacunk. Some of our people finding it fit for plantations, and
thinking it out of our patent, which Plymouth men understand-
ing, forbad them, and sent to us to signify that it was within
their grant, and that we would therefore forbid ours to proceed.
But the planters having acquainted us with their title, and
offering to yield it to our jurisdiction, and assuring us that it
could not be in the Plymouth patent, we made answer to Ply-
mouth accordingly, and encouraged our neighbors to go on, so
as divers letters passing between us, and they sending some
to take possession for them, at length we sent some to Plymouth
to see their patent, who bringing us a copy of so much as
concerned the thing in question, though we were not fully
1641] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 27
satisfied thereby, yet not being willing to strive for land, we
sat still.
There fell out much trouble about this time at Pascata-
quack. Mr. Knolles had gathered a church of such as he could
get, men very raw for the most part, etc. Afterwards there
came amongst them one Mr. Larkham, who had been a minister
at Northam near Barnstable in England, a man not savoring
the right way of church disciphne, but being a man of good
parts and wealthy, the people were soon taken with him, and
the greater part were forward to cast off Mr. I^olles their
pastor and to choose him, for they were not willing nor able to
maintain two officers, so Mr. Knolles gave place to him, and he
being thus chosen, did soon discover himself. He received into
the church all that offered themselves, though men notoriously
scandalous and ignorant, so they would promise amendment,
and fell into contention with the people, and would take upon
him .to rule all, even the magistrates (such as they were ;) so as
there soon grew sharp contention between him and Mr. ICnolles,
to whom the more rehgious still adhered, whereupon they were
divided into two churches. Mr. Knolles and his company ex-
communicated Mr. Larkham, and he again laid violent hands
upon Mr. Knolles. In this heat it began to grow to a tumult,
some of their magistrates joined with Mr. Larkham and as-
sembled a company to fetch Capt. Underhill (another of their
magistrates and their captain) to their court, and he also
gathered some of the neighbors to defend himself, and to see
the peace kept ; so they marched forth towards Mr. Larkham's,
one carrying a Bible upon a staff for an ensign, and Mr. Kjiolles
with them armed with a pistol. When Mr. Larkham and his
company saw them thus provided, they proceeded no further,
but sent to Mr. Williams, who was governor of those in the lower
part of the river, who came up with a company of armed men
and beset Mr. Knolles' house, where Capt. Underhill then was,
and there they kept a guard upon them night and day, and in
the mean time they called a court, and Mr. Williams sitting as
28 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1641
judge, they found Capt. Underbill and his company guilty of
a riot, and set great fines upon them, and ordered him and some
others to depart the plantation. The cause of this eager
prosecution of Capt. Underhill was, because he had procured
a good part of the inhabitants there to offer themselves again
to the government of the Massachusetts, who being thus
prosecuted, they sent a petition to us for aid.^
The governor and council considered of their petition,and
gave commission to Mr. Bradstreet, one of our magistrates,
Mr. Peter and Mr. Dalton, two of our elders, to go thither and
to endeavor to reconcile them, and if they could not effect that,
then to inquire how things stood, and to certify us, etc. They
went accordingly, and finding both sides to be in fault, at length
they brought matters to a peaceable end. Mr. Larkham was
released of his excommunication and Capt. Underhill and the
rest from their censures, and by occasion of these agitations
Mr. Knolles was discovered to be an imclean person, and to
have solicited the chastity of two maids, his servants, and to
have used filthy dalliance with them, which he acknowledged
before the church there, and so was dismissed, and removed
from Pascataquack. This sin of his was the more notorious,
because the fact, which was first discovered, was the same
night after he had been exhorting the people by reasons and
from scripture, to proceed against Capt, Underhill for his adul-
tery. And it is very observable how God gave up these two,
and some others who had held with Mrs. Hutchinson, in crying
down all evidence from sanctification, etc., to fall into these
unclean courses, whereby themselves and their erroneous
opinions were laid open to the world.
Mr. Peter and Mr. Dalton, with one of Acomenticus, went
* Knollys, who in this small religious war bore as ensign a Bible upon a
pole, was Hanserd Knollys, several times mentioned heretofore, and later con-
spicuous in England. The reprobate and combative Underhill appears again,
while Francis Williams had been appointed by Mason and Gorges as governor
at Portsmouth and Dover. Winthrop's portrayal of dissenters from the Massa-
chusetts orthodoxy must be taken with some abatement.
1641] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 29
from Pascataquack, with Mr. John Ward, who was to be
entertained there for their minister; and though it be but six
miles, yet they lost their way, and wandered two days and one
night without food or fire, in the snow and wet. But God
heard their prayers, wherein they earnestly pressed him for the
honor of his great name, and when they were even quite spent,
he brought them to the seaside, near the place they were to go
to, blessed forever be his name.
Not long before a godly maid of the church of Linne, going
in a deep snow from Meadford homeward, was lost, and some
of her clothes found after among the rocks.
One John Baker, a member of the church of Boston, remov-
ing from thence to Newbury for enlargement of his outward
accommodation, being grown wealthy from nothing, grew there
very disordered, fell into drunkenness and such violent conten-
tion with another brother, maintaining the same by lying, and
other evil courses, that the magistrates sent to have him appre-
hended. But he rescued himself out of the officer's hands and
removed to Acomenticus, where he continued near two years,
and now at this time he came to Boston, and humbled himself
before the church, confessing all his wickedness, with many
tears, and showing how he had been followed with Satan, and
how he had labored to pacify his conscience by secret confes-
sions to God, etc., but could have no peace; yet could not bring
his heart to return and make public acknowledgment, until the
hand of God fell upon one Swain his neighbor, who fell into
despair, and would often utter dreadful speeches against him-
self, and cry out that he was all on fire under the wrath of God,
but would never discover any other heinous sin, but that
having gotten about £40 by his labor, he went into England
and there spent it in wicked company, and so continued, and
after a small time hanged himself. This Baker coming in, and
seeing him thus dead, was so struck with it as he could have no
rest, till he came and made his peace with the church and court.
Upon his confession, the church was doubtful whether they
30 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1641
ought not to cast him out, his offences being so scandalous, not-
withstanding they were well persuaded of the truth of his re-
pentance; but the judgment of the church was, that, seeing
he had excommunicated himself by deserting the church, and
Christ had ratified it by giving him up to Satan, whereby the
ordinance had had its proper effect, therefore he ought now to
be received and pardoned, whereto the church agreed. Yet
this man fell into gross distempers soon after.
Mr. Cotton out of that in Revelations 15. none could enter
into the temple until, etc., delivered, that neither Jews nor any
more of the Gentiles should be called until Antichrist were
destroyed, viz. to a church estate, though here and there a
proselyte.
Upon the Lord's day at Concord two children were left at
home alone, one lying in a cradle, the other having burned a
cloth, and fearing its mother should see it, thrust it into a hay
stack by the door (the fire not being quite out) whereby the
hay and house were burned and the child in the cradle before
they came from the meeting. About the same time two houses
were burned at Sudbury.
By occasion of these fires I may add another of a different
kind, but of much observation. A godly woman of the church
of Boston, dwelling sometimes in London, brought with her a
parcel of very fine Hnen of great value, which she set her heart
too much upon, and had been at charge to have it all newly
washed, and curiously folded and pressed, and so left it in press
in her parlor over night. She had a negro maid went into the
room very late, and let fall some snuff of the candle upon the
linen, so as by the morning all the linen was burned to tinder,
and the boards underneath, and some stools and a part of the
wainscot burned, and never perceived by any in the house,
though some lodged in the chamber over head, and no ceiUng
between. But it pleased God that the loss of this linen did her
much good, both in taking off her heart from worldly comforts,
and in preparing her for a far greater affliction by the untimely
1641] RICHARD BELLINGHAM, GOVERNOR 31
death of her husband, who was slain not long after at Isle of
Providence.
Mo. 4. (June) 2.] The court of elections, Richard Belling-
ham, Esq., chosen governor. See more a few leaves after.
This year the two ships were finished, one at Salem of 300
tons, and another at Boston of 160 tons.
The parhament of England setting upon a general reforma-
tion both of church and state, the Earl of Strafford being be-
headed, and the archbishop* (our great enemy) and many others
of the great officers and judges, bishops and others, imprisoned
and called to account, this caused all men to stay in England in
expectation of a new world, so as few coming to us, all foreign
commodities grew scarce, and our own of no price. Com would
buy nothing: a cow which cost last year £20 might now be
bought for 4 or £5, etc., and many gone out of the country, so
as no man could pay his debts, nor the merchants make return
into England for their commodities, which occasioned many
there to speak evil of us. These straits set our people on work
to provide fish, clapboards, plank, etc., and to sow hemp and
flax (which prospered very well) and to look out to the West
Indies for a trade for cotton. The general court also made
orders about payment of debts, setting com at the wonted price,
and payable for all debts which should arise after a time pre-
fixed. They thought fit also to send some chosen men into
England, to congratulate the happy success there, and to satisfy
our creditors of the true cause why we could not make so
current payment now as in former years we had done, and to
be ready to make use of any opportunity God should offer for
the good of the country here, as also to give any advice, as it
should be required, for the settling the right form of church
discipline there, but with this caution, that they should not seek
supply of our wants in any dishonorable way, as by begging or
the like, for we were resolved to wait upon the Lord in the use
of all means which were lawful and honorable. The men
* Laud.
32 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1G41
chosen were Mr. Hugh Peter, pastor of the church in Salem,
Mr. Thos. Welde, pastor of the church in Roxbury, and Mr.
Wilham Hibbins of Boston.^ There being no ship which was
to return right for England, they went to Newfoundland, in-
tending to get a passage from thence in the fishing fleet. They
departed hence the 3d of the 6th month, and with them went
one of the magistrates, Mr. John Winthrop, jun. This act
of the court did not satisfy all the elders, and many others
disliked it, supposing that it would be conceived we had sent
them on begging; and the church of Salem was unwilhngly
drawn to give leave to their pastor to go, for the court was not
minded to use their power in taking an officer from the church
without their consent, but in the end they and the other
churches submitted to the desire of the court. These with
other passengers to the number of forty went to Newfoundland,
expecting to go from thence in some fishing ships. They ar-
rived there in 14 days, but could not go altogether, so were
forced to divide themselves and go from several parts of the
island, as they could get shipping. The ministers preached to
the seamen, etc., at the island, who were much affected with
the word taught, and entertained them with all courtesy, as we
understood by letters from them which came by a fishing ship
to the Isles of Shoales about the beginning of October.
21.] A young man, a tanner in Boston, going to wash him-
self in a creek, said, jestingly, I will go and drown myself now,
which fell out accordingly ; for by the slipperiness of the earth,
he was carried beyond his depth, and having no skill to swim,
was drowned, though company were at hand, and one in the
water with him.
Letters came from the governor, etc., of Connecticut for
advice about the difference between them and the Dutch. The
* Here we take farewell of Hugh Peter. Thomas Welde acted in England
with the Presbyterians, becoming estranged from Independency on account of
its tolerance. His connection with Winthrop's Short Story of the Hutchinsonian
troubles has been noted before.
1641] RICHARD BELLINGHAM, GOVERNOR 33
Dutch governor had pressed them hard for his interest in all
Hartford, etc., as far as one might see from their house, alleging
he had purchased so much of the Pequods, and threatened
force of arms. They of the river alleged their purchase of
other Indians, the true owners of the place, etc., with other
arguments from our patent and that of Saybrook. We re-
turned answer without determining of either side, but advising
to a moderate way, as the yielding some more land to the Dutch
house (for they had left them but 30 acres). But the Dutch
would not be thus pacified, but prepared to send soldiers to be
billeted at their house. But it pleased the Lord to disappoint
their purpose, for the Indians falling out with them, killed four
of their men at their fort Orange,^ whereof three were English,
who had gone to dwell among them, whereby they were forced
to keep their soldiers at home to defend themselves ; and Mr.
Peter going for England, and being well acquainted with the
chief merchants in Holland, undertook to pacify the West India
company, but for want of commission from those of Hartford,
the company there would not treat with him.
About this time three boys of Summer's Islands^ stole away
in an open boat or skiff, and having been eight weeks at sea,
their boat was cast away upon a strand without Long Island,
and themselves were saved by the Indians.
A church being gathered at Providence in the West Indies,
and their pastor, Mr. Sherwood, and another minister being
sent prisoners into England by one Carter, the deputy governor,
the rest of the church, being but five, wrote to our churches
complaining of the persecution of their magistrates and others,
and desiring our prayers and help from us, which moved the
churches and magistrates more willingly to further those who
were already resolved and preparing for that Island. Where-
upon two small vessels, each of about 30 tons, with divers
families and goods, so many as they could bestow, 30 men, 5
* Now Albany.
^ The Summer, or Somers, Islands were the Bermudas.
34 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1641
women, and 8 children, set sail for the Island, and touching at
Christophers, they heard that a great fleet of Spanish ships
was abroad, and that it was feared they had taken Providence,
so as the master, Mr. Peirce, a godly man and most expert
mariner, advised them to return, and offered to bear part of the
loss. But they not hearkening to him, he repHed, Then am I
a dead man. And coming to the Island, they marvelled they
saw no colors upon the fort, nor any boat coming towards them,
whereupon he was counselled to drop an anchor. He hked the
advice, but yet stood on into the harbor, and after a second
advice, he still went on ; but being come within pistol shot of
one fort and haihng, and no answer made, he put his bark
a stays, and being upon the deck, which was also full of pas-
sengers, women and children, and hearing one cry out, they are
traversing a piece at us, he threw himself in at the door of the
cuddy, and one Samuel Wakeman, a member of the church of
Hartford, who was sent with goods to buy cotton, cast himself
down by him, and presently a great shot took them both.
Mr. Peirce* died within an hour; the other, having only his
thighs tore, lived ten days. Mr. Peirce had read to the com-
pany that morning (as it fell in course) that in Genesis the last,
Lo I die, but God will surely visit you and bring you back;
out of which words he used godly exhortations to them. Then
they shot from all parts about thirty great shot, besides small,
and tore the sails and shrouds, but hurt not the bark, nor any
person more in it. The other vessel was then a league behind,
which was marvelled at, for she was the better sailer, and
could fetch up the other at pleasure ; but that morning they
could not by any means keep company with her. After this
the passengers, being ashamed to return, would have been
set on shore at Cape Grace de Dios, or Florida, or Virginia, but
the seamen would not, and through the wonderful providence
of God they came all safe home the 3d of 7ber following. This
* Apparently William Peirce, earlier master of the Lyon, the boldest and most
trusted of the sea captains who at that time frequented the New England harbors.
1611 J RICHARD BELLINGHAM. GOVERNOR 35
brought some of them to see their error, and acknowledge it in
the open congregation, but others were hardened. There was
a special providence in that the ministers were sent prisoners
into England before the Island was taken, for otherwise it is
most probable they had been all put to the sword, because some
Spaniards had been slain there a little before by the deputy
governor his command, after the lieutenant had received them
upon quarter, in an attempt they had made upon the Island,
wherein they were repulsed with the loss of two or three hun-
dred men. They took it after, and gave the people quarter
and sent them home.
A like providence there was, though not so safe, in that
divers godly people, in their voyage to the Island the year
before, were taken prisoners by the Turks, and so their lives
saved, paying their ransom.
This year divers families in Linne and Ipswich having sent
to view Long Island, and finding a very commodious place for
plantations, but challenged by the Dutch, they treated with the
Dutch governor to take it from them. He offered them very
fair terms, as that they should have the very same Uberties, both
civil and ecclesiastical, which they enjoyed in the Massachu-
setts, only liberty for appeal to the Dutch, and after ten years
to pay the 10th of their corn. The court were offended at this,
and sought to stay them, not for going from us, but for strength-
ening the Dutch, our doubtful neighbors, and taking that
from them which our king challenged and had granted a
patent of, with Martha's Vineyard and other islands thereby,
to the earl of Sterling, especially for binding themselves by an
oath of fealty ; whereupon divers of the chief being called before
the general court in 8ber, and reasons laid down to dissuade
them, they were convinced, and promised to desist.
This summer the merchants of Boston set out a vessel again
to the Isle of Sable, with 12 men, to stay there a year. They
sent again in the 8th month, and in three weeks the vessel
returned and brought home 400 pair of sea horse teeth, which
36 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1641
were esteemed worth £300, and left all the men well, and 12
ton of oil and many skins, which they could not bring away,
being put from the island in a storm.
I must here return to supply what was omitted concerning
the proceedings of the last court of elections. There had been
much laboring to have Mr. Bellingham chosen, and when the
votes were numbered he had six more than the others; but
there were divers who had not given in their votes, who now
came into the court and desired their liberty, which was denied
by some of the magistrates, because they had not given them
in at the doors. But others thought it was an injury, yet were
silent, because it concerned themselves, for the order of giving
in their votes at the door was no order of court, but only direc-
tion of some of the magistrates ; and without question, if any
freeman tender his vote before the election be passed and pub-
lished, it ought to be received.
Some of the freemen, without the consent of the magistrates
or governor, had chosen Mr. Nathaniel Ward* to preach at this
court, pretending that it was a part of their hberty. The gov-
ernor (whose right indeed it is, for till the court be assembled
the freemen are but private persons) would not strive about it,
for though it did not belong to them, yet if they would have it,
there was reason to yield it to them. Yet they had no great
reason to choose him, though otherwise very able, seeing he
had cast off his pastor's place at Ipswich, and was now no
minister by the received determination of our churches. In his
sermon he delivered many useful things, but in a moral and
pohtical discourse, grounding his propositions much upon the
old Roman and Grecian governments, which sure is an error,
for if religion and the word of God makes men wiser than
their neighbors, and these times have the advantage of all
^ Nathaniel Ward, author of the Simple Coblcr of Aggawam, and credited with
the main work in compiling the Body of Liberties, was the raciest and most enter-
taining, if the narrowest and most intolerant, of the writers and speakers of New
England. Naturally, the freemen desired much to hear him, and his counsels
as to political and constitutional matters made impression.
1641] RICHARD BELLINGHAM, GOVERNOR 37
that have gone before us in experience and observation, it is
probable that by all these helps, we may better frame rules of
government for ourselves than to receive others upon the bare
authority of the wisdom, justice, etc. of those heathen common-
wealths. Among other things, he advised the people to keep
all their magistrates in an equal rank, and not give more
honor or power to one than to another, which is easier to ad-
vise than to prove, seeing it is against the practice of Israel
(where some were rulers of thousands, and some but of tens)
and of all nations known or recorded. Another advice he
gave, that magistrates should not give private advice, and take
knowledge of any man's cause before it came to public hearing.
This was debated after in the general court, where some of the
deputies moved to have it ordered. But it was opposed by
some of the magistrates upon these reasons: 1. Because we
must then provide lawyers to direct men in their causes. 2.
The magistrates must not grant out original process, as now
they do, for to what end are they betrusted with this, but that
they should take notice of the cause of the action, that they
might either divert the suit, if the cause be unjust, or direct it
in a right course, if it be good. 3. By this occasion the magis-
trate hath opportunity to end many differences in a friendly
way, without charge to the parties, or trouble to the court.
4. It prevents many difficulties and tediousness to the court
to understand the cause aright (no advocate being allowed,
and the parties being not able, for the most part, to open the
cause fully and clearly, especially in public). 5. It is al-
lowed in criminal causes, and why not in civil. 6. Wliereas
it is objected that such magistrate is in danger to be preju-
diced, answer, if the thing be lawful and useful, it must not
be laid aside for the temptations which are incident to it, for
in the least duties men are exposed to great temptations.
At this court it was ordered, that the elders should be
desired to agree upon a form of catechism which might be
put forth in print.
38 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1641
Offence being taken by many of the people that the
court had given Mr. Humfrey £250, the deputies moved it
might be ordered, that the court should not have power
to grant any benevolences; but it was considered that the
court could not deprive itself of its honor, and that hereby
we should lay a blemish upon the court, which might do
more hurt to the country by weakening the reputation of
the wisdom and faithfuhiess of the court in the hearts of
the people, than the money saved would recompense. There-
fore it was thought better to order it by way of declaration,
as if it were to deter importunity of suitors in this kind,
that the court would give no more benevolences till our
debts were paid, and stock in the treasury, except upon
foreign occasions, etc.
There arose a question in the court about the punishment of
single fornication, because, by the law of God, the man was
only to marry the maid, or pay a sum of money to her father;
but the case falling out between two servants, they were
whipped for the wrong offered to the master in abusing his
house, and were not able to make him other satisfaction. The
like difficulty arose about a rape, which was not death by
the law of God, but because it was committed by a boy
upon a child of 7 or 8 years old, he was severely whipped.
Yet it may seem by the equity of the law against sod-
omy, that it should be death for a man to have carnal cop-
ulation with a girl so young, as there can be no possibiHty
of generation, for it is against nature as well as sodomy and
buggery.
At this court the gentlemen, who had the two patents of
Dover and Strawberry bank at Pascataquack in the name of
the lords and themselves, granted all their interest of juris-
diction, etc., to our court, reserving the most of the land to
themselves.* Whereupon a commission was granted to Mr.
* Lords Saye and Brooke, and their associates, gave up to Massachusetts
their rights of jurisdiction under the Hilton and Squamscot patents.
1641] RICHARD BELLINGHAM, GOVERNOR 39
Bradstreet and Mr. Simonds,* with two or three of Pascata-
quack, to call a court there and assemble the people to take
their submission, etc., but Mr. Humfrey, Mr. Peter, and Mr.
Dalton had been sent before to understand the minds of the
people, to reconcile some differences between them, and to pre-
pare them. See more.
Mrs. Hutchinson and those of Aquiday island broached new
heresies every year. Divers of them turned professed anabap-
tists, and would not wear any arms, and denied all magistracy
among Christians, and maintained that there were no churches
since those founded by the apostles and evangehsts, nor could
any be, nor any pastors ordained, nor seals administered but by
such, and that the church was to want these all the time she
continued in the wilderness, as yet she was. Her son Francis
and her son-in-law Mr. Collins (who was driven from Barbadoes
where he had preached a time and done some good, but so soon
as he came to her was infected with her heresies) came to Bos-
ton, and were there sent for to come before the governor and
council. But they refused to come, except they were brought ;
so the officer led him, and being come (there were divers of the
elders present) he was charged with a letter he had written to
some in our jurisdiction, wherein he charged all our churches
and ministers to be antichristian, and many other reproachful
speeches, terming our king, king of Babylon, and sought to
possess the people's hearts with evil thoughts of our government
and of our churches, etc. He acknowledged the letter, and
maintained what he had written, yet sought to evade by con-
fessing there was a true magistracy in the world, and that
Christians must be subject to it. He maintained also that
there were no gentile churches (as he termed them) since the
apostles' times, and that none now could ordain ministers, etc.
Francis Hutchinson did agree with him in some of these, but
^ Simon Bradstreet and Samuel Symonds, younger men now coming forward
into prominent position, at a later time reached the highest positions, as governor
and deputy-governor.
40 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1641
not resolutely in all ; but he had reviled the church of Boston
(being then a member of it) calling her a strumpet. They were
both committed to prison ; and it fell out that one Stoddard,
being then one of the constables of Boston, was required to
take Francis Hutchinson into his custody till the afternoon,
and said withal to the governor, Sir, I came to observe what
you did, that if you should proceed with a brother otherwise
than you ought, I might deal with you in a church way. For
this insolent behavior he was committed, but being dealt with
by the elders and others, he came to see his error, which was
that he did conceive that the magistrate ought not to deal with
a member of the church before the church had proceeded with
him. So the next Lord's day in the open assembly, he did
freely and very affectionately confess his error and his contempt
of authority, and being bound to appear at the next court, he
did the like there to the satisfaction of all. Yet for example's
sake he was fined 20s., which though some of the magistrates
would have had it much less, or rather remitted, seeing his
clear repentance and satisfaction in public left no poison or
danger in his example, nor had the commonwealth or any
person sustained danger by it. At the same court Mr. Collins
was fined £100 and Francis Hutchinson £50, and to remain
in prison till they gave security for it. We assessed the fines
the higher, partly that by occasion thereof they might be the
longer kept in from doing harm, (for they were kept close
prisoners,) and also because that family had put the country to
so much charge in the synod and other occasions to the value
of £500 at least: but after, because the winter drew on, and
the prison was inconvenient, we abated them to £40 and £20.
But they seemed not willing to pay any thing. They refused
to come to the church assemblies except they were led, and so
they came duly. At last we took their own bonds for their
fine, and so dismissed them.^
^ From the Colony Records it appears that ColHns and Francis Hutchinson
were forbidden to return to the colony on pain of death.
1641] RICHARD BELLINGHAM, GOVERNOR 41
Other troubles arose in the island by reason of one Nicholas
Easton, a tanner, a man very bold, though ignorant. He
using to teach at Newport, where Mr. Coddington their gov-
ernor lived, maintained that man hath no power or will in
himself, but as he is acted by God, and that seeing God filled
all things, nothing could be or move but by him, and so he
must needs be the author of sin, etc., and that a Christian is
united to the essence of God. Being showed what blasphemous
consequences would follow hereupon, they professed to abhor
the consequences, but still defended the propositions, which
discovered their ignorance, not apprehending how God could
make a creature as it were in himself, and yet no part of his
essence, as we see by familiar instances; the hght is in the
air, and in every part of it, yet it is not air, but a distinct thing
from it. There joined with Nicholas Easton Mr. Coddington,
Mr. CoggeshalV and some others, but their minister, Mr.
Clark, and Mr. Lenthall, and Mr. Harding, and some others
dissented and publicly opposed, whereby it grew to such heat
of contention, that it made a schism among them.
Mo. 7 (September).] Captain Underbill, coming to Boston,
was presently apprehended by the governor's warrant to appear
at the next court, and bound for his good behavior in the mean
time, which was ill taken by many, seeing he did not stand
presented by any man, and had been reconciled to the church
and to the court, who had remitted his sentence of banishment,
and showed their willingness to have pardoned him fully, but
for fear of offence. And it was held by some of the magistrates,
that the court, having reversed the sentence against him for
former misdemeanors, had implicitly pardoned all other misde-
meanors before that time, and his adultery was no more then
but a misdemeanor; but to bind a man to his good behavior,
when he stands reconciled to the church and commonwealth,
was certainly an error, as it was also to commit such an one,
* All three of the men were of high repute in civil life, each serving his colony
as governor.
42 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1641
being not presented nor accused. So easily may a magistrate
be misled on the right hand by the secret whisperings of such as
pretend a zeal of justice and the punishment of sin. The
governor caused him to be indicted at the next court, but he
was acquitted by proclamation.
Mo. 7. (Septemher) 11.] It being court time, about 7 or 8 in
the evening there appeared to the southward a great light,
about 30 or 40 feet in length ; it went very swift, and continued
about a minute. It was observed by many in the bay and at
Plymouth and New Haven, etc., and it seemed to all to be in
the same position.
15.] A great training at Boston two days. About 1200
men were exercised in most sorts of land service; yet it was
observed that there was no man drunk, though there was plenty
of wine and strong beer in the town, not an oath sworn, no
quarrel, nor any hurt done.
The parliament in England falling so readily to reform
all public grievances, some of our people being then in London
preferred a petition to the Lords' house for redress of that
restraint which had been put upon ships and passengers to
New England, whereupon an order was made, that we should
enjoy all our hberties, etc., according to our patent, whereby
our patent, which had been condemned and called in upon an
erroneous judgment in a quo warranto, was now impHcitly
revived and confirmed. This petition was preferred without
warrant from our court.
7. (September) 2.] A day of thanksgiving was kept in all
our churches for the good success of the parliament in England.
This year men followed the fishing so well, that there was
about 300,000 dry fish sent to the market.
The lords and gentlemen that had two patents at Pascata-
quack, finding no means to govern the people there, nor to
restrain them from spoihng their timber, etc., agreed to assign
their interest to us (reserving the greatest part of the propriety
of their lands). So commissioners being sent thither, the whole
1641] RICHARD BELLINGHAM, GOVERNOR 43
river agreed to come under our jurisdiction under two proposi-
tions. 1. If we took them in upon a voluntary submission,
then they would have liberty to choose their own magistrates,
etc. 2. If we took them in as being within the line of our
patent, they would then submit to be as Ipswich and Salem,
etc., and would have such liberties for felUng timber, etc., as
they had enjoyed, etc., and so referred it to the next general
court; and to have courts there as Ipswich and Salem had.
And accordingly at the general court in the 3d month next,
they sent two deputies, who, being members of the church
there, were sworn freemen, and order made for giving the oath
to others at their own court, the like liberty to other courts for
ease of the people.^
Mo. 9. (November) 8.] Monsieur Rochett, a Rocheller and
a Protestant, came from Monsieur La Tour, planted upon St.
John's River up the great bay on this side Cape Sable. He
brought no letters with him, but only letters from Mr. Shurt of
Pemaquid, where he left his men and boat. He propounded
to us, 1. Liberty of free commerce. This was granted. 2.
Assistance against D'Aulnay of Penobscott, whom he had war
with. 3. That he might make return of goods out of England
by our merchants. In these two we excused any treaty
with him, as having no letters or commission from La Tour.
He was courteously entertained here, and after a few days
departed.^
9.] Query, whether the following be fit to be published.
The governor, Mr. Bellingham, was married, (I would not
mention such ordinary matters in our history, but by occasion
of some remarkable accidents). The young gentlewoman was
ready to be contracted to a friend of his, who lodged in his
house, and by his consent had proceeded so far with her, when
on the sudden the governor treated with her, and obtained her
* An important crisis both for Massachusetts and the New Hampshire settle-
ments.
^ On Latour and D'Aulnay, see Vol. I., p. 163, note 1.
44 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1641
for himself. He excused it by the strength of his affection,
and that she was not absolutely promised to the other gentle-
man. Two errors more he committed upon it. 1. That he
would not have his contract published where he dwelt, contrary
to an order of court. 2. That he married himself contrary
to the constant practice of the country. The great inquest
presented him for breach of the order of court, and at
the court following, in the 4th month, the secretary called
him to answer the prosecution. But he not going off the
bench, as the manner was, and but few of the magistrates pres-
ent, he put it off to another time, intending to speak with him
privately, and with the rest of the magistrates about the case,
and accordingly he told him the reason why he did not proceed,
viz., being unwilling to command him publicly to go off the
bench, and yet not thinking it fit he should sit as a judge, when
he was by law to answer as an offender. This he took ill, and
said he would not go off the bench, except he were com-
manded.^
Ai'chibald Tomson, of Marblehead, carrying dung to his
ground in a canoe upon the Lord's day, in fair weather and
still water, it sunk under him in the harbor near the shores and
he was never seen after.
One Knore, of Charlestown, coming down Mistick in a
small boat laden with wood, was found dead in it: a good
caveat for men not to go single in boats in such a season of the
year, for it was very stormy weather.
9. (November) 12.] A great tempest of wind and rain from
the S. E. all the night, as fierce as an hurricane. It continued
very violent at N. W. all the day after. Divers boats and one
bark were cast away in the harbor, but (which was a wonder to
all) no dwelling house blown down, nor any person killed ; and
the day after it came to S. E. again, and continued all the night
with much wind and rain ; and thereupon (it being about the
* After such an experience of Bellingham, it is not strange that the colony
should restore its chief dignity to Winthrop once more in May, 1642.
1641] RICHARD BELLINGHAINI, GOVERNOR 45
new moon) followed the highest tide which we had seen since
our arrival here.
The summer past was very cool and wet, so as much Indian
corn never ripened, though some stood till the 20th of this
month. It was observed, that people who fed upon that corn
were extraordinarily infected with worms in their bodies all the
year following, which in some was well prevented by leaving
their bread and feeding upon salt fish.
The Charles of Dartmouth, of 400 tons, lying at Pascata-
quack to take in pipe staves, was forced from her anchors in
the last tempest and driven upon the rocks ; yet all her masts
were before taken down to be new masted. There rode by her
a small ship which was safe. This small ship was before de-
spised by the men of the greater, and they would needs unrig
their ship upon the Lord's day, though they were admonished
not to do it. In the same great tempest a shallop of 3 tons
rode it out all night at the head of Cape Anne, and came in
safe after.
Mr. Stephen Batchellor, the pastor of the church at Hamp-
ton, who had suffered much at the hands of the bishops in
England, being about 80 years of age, and having a lusty
comely woman to his wife, did solicit the chastity of his neigh-
bor's wife, who acquainted her husband therewith ; whereupon
he was dealt with, but denied it, as he had told the woman he
would do, and complained to the magistrates against the wo-
man and her husband for slandering him. The church Hke-
wise dealing with him, he stiffly denied it, but soon after, when
the Lord's supper was to be administered, he did voluntarily
confess the attempt, and that he did intend to have defiled her,
if she would have consented. The church, being moved with
his free confession and tears, silently forgave him, and com-
municated with him : but after, finding how scandalous it was,
they took advice of other elders, and after long debate and
much pleading and standing upon the church's forgiving and
being reconciled to him in communicating with him after
46 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1641
he had confessed it, they proceeded to cast him out. After
this he went on in a variable course, sometimes seeming very
penitent, soon after again excusing himself, and casting blame
upon others^ especially his fellow elder Mr. Dalton, (who in-
deed had not carried himself in this cause so well as became
him, and was brought to see his failing, and acknowledged it
to the elders of the other churches who had taken much pains
about this matter). So he behaved himself to the elders when
they dealt with him. He was off and on for a long time, and
when he had seemed most penitent, so as the church were ready
to have received him in again, he would fall back again, and
as it were repent of his repentance. In this time his house
and near all his substance was consumed by fire. When he
had continued excommunicated near two years, and much agi-
tation had been about the matter, and the church being divided,
so as he could not be received in, at length the matter was re-
ferred to some magistrates and elders, and by their mediation
he was released of his excommunication, but not received to
his pastor's office. Upon occasion of this meeting for media-
tion, Mr. Wilson, pastor of Boston, wrote this letter to him,
(the letter is worthy inserting).* ...
The general court held in the 10th month past was full of
uncomfortable agitations and contentions. The principal occa-
sion (for history must tell the whole truth) was from the gov-
ernor, who being a gentleman of good repute in England for
wisdom and godliness, finding now that some other of the
magistrates bare more sway with the people than himself, and
that they were called to be of the standing council for hfe, and
himself passed by, was so taken with an evil spirit of emula-
tion and jealousy (through his melancholic disposition) as he
set himself in an opposite frame to them in all proceedings,
which did much retard all business, and was occasion of grief
to many godly minds, and matter of reproach to the whole
court in the mouths of others, and brought himself low in the
* It is not preserved. Several pages of Winthrop's text are here omitted.
1641] RICHARD BELLINGHAM, GOVERNOR 47
eyes of those with whom formerly he had been in honor.
Some instances I will give.
There fell out a case between Mr. Dudley, one of the coun-
cil, and Mr. Howe, a ruling elder of the church of Watertown,
about a title to a mill. The case is too long here to report, but
it was so clear on Mr. Dudley's part, both in law and equity,
(most of the magistrates also and deputies concurring therein,)
as the elders, being desired to be present at the hearing of the
case, they also consented with the judgment of the court, be-
fore the case was put to vote, and some of them humbly ad-
vised the court that it would be greatly to their dishonor, and
an apparent injustice, if they should otherwise determine.
Notwithstanding, he still labored to have the cause carried
against Mr. Dudley, reproved some of the elders for their
faithful advice, took upon him to answer all the arguments, but
so weakly as many were ashamed at it, and in reading an order
of court whereupon the issue of the case chiefly depended, he
sought to help himself by such unworthy shifts, as interpreting
some things against the very letter and common sense, wholly
omitting the most material part, etc., refusing to put things to
the vote that made against his purpose, etc., that all might see
by what spirit he was led.
Another case fell out about Mr. Maverick of Nottles Island,
who had been formerly fined £100 for giving entertainment to
Mr. Owen and one Hale's wife, who had escaped out of prison,
where they had been put for notorious suspicion of adultery,*
as shall after be showed. The court upon his petition had
referred it to the usual committee, who made return that
their opinion was, the court might do well to remit it to £60,
which he knew would please some of the council well, who
had often declared their judgment that fines should be so
imposed as they might upon occasion be moderated. So when
* Maverick, it must be supposed, believed the parties innocent. He was of
a bold as well as humane spirit, and ready to suffer while sheltering those whom
he thought persecuted.
48 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1641
the petition was returned to him, he takes it and alters the sum
from £60 to £80, without acquainting the court therewith,
nor would say that he had done it, when the committee in-
formed the court of the alteration, before the secretary charged
him with it. Then he said, he did it in jest, and when the
secretary said he had reformed it, and the court called to have
it put to the vote, he refused, and stirred up much heat and
contention about it, so in the end the court required the deputy
to put it to the vote.
Upon these and other miscarriages the deputies consulted
together, and sent up their speaker,^ with some others, to give
him a solemn admonition, which was never done to any gov-
ernor before, nor was it in their power without the magistrates
had jomed.
These continual oppositions and delays, tending to the
liindrance and perverting of justice, afforded much occasion
of grief to all the magistrates, especially to Mr. Dudley, who
being a very wise and just man, and one that would not
be trodden under foot of any man, took occasion (alleging his
age, etc.) to tell the court that he was resolved to leave his
place, and therefore desired them against the next court of
elections to think of some other. The court was much affected
with it, and entreated him, with manifestation of much affec-
tion and respect towards him, to leave off these thoughts, and
offered him any ease and liberty that his age and infirmities
might stand in need of, but he continued resolute. Thereupon
the governor also made a speech, as if he desired to leave his
place of magistracy also, but he was fain to make his own
answer, for no man desired him to keep, or to consider better
of it.'
This session continued three weeks, and established 100
* At this period, magistrates and deputies sat together in the General Court,
the governor or deputy-governor presiding: the division into two bodies had not
yet taken place. Savage understands by "speaker" here a temporary spokes-
man.
^ Bellingham's unpopularity was plainly well-deaerved.
1641] RICHARD BELLINGHAM, GOVERNOR 49
laws, which were called the Body of Liberties.^ They had been
composed by Mr. Nathaniel Ward, (sometime pastor of the
church of Ipswich: he had been a minister in England, and
formerly a student and practiser in the course of the common
law,) and had been revised and altered by the court, and sent
forth into every town to be further considered of, and now
again in this court, they were revised, amended, and presented,
and so established for three years, by that experience to have
them fully amended and established to be perpetual.
At this session Mr. Hathorn, one of the deputies, and usu-
ally one of their speakers, made a motion to some other of the
deputies of leaving out two of their ancientest magistrates,
because they were grown poor, and spake reproachfully of them
under that motion. This coming to Mr. Cotton his knowledge,
he took occasion from his text, the next lecture day, to confute,
and sharply (in his mild manner) to reprove such miscarriage,
which he termed a shghting or dishonoring of parents, and told
the country, that such as were decayed in their estates by
attending the service of the country ought to be maintained
by the country, and not set aside for their poverty, being
otherwise so well gifted, and approved by long experience to
be faithful. This public reproof gave such a check to the
former motion as it was never revived after. Yet by what fol-
lowed it appeared, that the fire, from which it brake out, was
only raked up, not quenched, as will be showed anon.
Mr. Hathorn^ and some others were very earnest to have
some certain penalty set upon lying, swearing, etc., which the
deputy and some other of the magistrates opposed, (not disUk-
^ For the Body of Liberties, prefaced by a learned and copious introduction
by Francis C. Gray, see Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, third
series, VIII. 191; also Whitmore, The Colonial Laws of Massachusetts (Boston,
1889); Old South Leaflets, No. 164; and American History Leaflets, No. 25.
^ William Hathorne, or Hawthorne, a leader in Salem till near the end of
the century, was first speaker of the deputies, after the separation of the General
Court into two bodies, presently to be described. He was the ancestor of Nathan-
iel Hawthorne. The deputy-governor mentioned was John Endicott.
50 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1641
ing to have laws made against these or any other offences,
but in respect of the certain punishment,) whereupon Mr.
Hathom charged him with seeking to have the government
arbitrary, etc., and the matter grew to some heat, for the deputy
was a wise and a stout gentleman, and knew Mr. Hathom
his neighbor well, but the strife soon fell, and there was no
more spoken of it that court. Yet this gave occasion to some
of the magistrates to prepare some arguments against the
course intended, of bringing all punishments to a certainty.
The scope of these reasons was to make good this proposition,
viz. All punishments, except such as are made certain in the
law of God, or are not subject to variation by merit of cir-
cumstances, ought to be left arbitrary to the wisdom of the
judges.
Reason 1. God hath left a pattern hereof in his word, where
so few penalties are prescribed, and so many referred to the
judges; and God himself varieth the punishments of the same
offences, as the offences vary in their circumstances ; as in man-
slaughter, in the case of a riotous son proving incorrigible, in
the same sin aggravated by presumption, theft, etc., which
are not only rules in these particular cases, but to guide the
judges by proportion in all other cases: as upon the law of
adultery, it may be a question whether Bathsheba ought to die
by that law, in regard to the great temptation, and the com-
mand and power of the kings of Israel. So that which was
capital in the men of Jabesh Gilead, Judges [xxi. 10] in not
coming up to the princes upon proclamation, was but confis-
cation of goods, etc., in Ezra 10. 8. See 2d Sam. 14. 6. 11.
Reason 2. All punishments ought to be just, and, offences
varying so much in their merit by occasion of circumstances,
it would be unjust to inflict the same pimishment upon the
least as upon the greatest.
3. Justice requireth that every cause should be heard be-
fore it be judged, which cannot be when the sentence and
punishment is determined before hand.
1641] RICHARD BELLINGHAM, GOVERNOR 51
4. Such parts and gifts, as the word of God requires in a
judge, were not so necessary, if all punishments were deter-
mined beforehand.
5. God hath not confined all wisdom, etc., to any one gen-
eration, that they should set rules for all others to walk by.
6. It is against reason that some men should better judge
of the merit of a cause in the bare theory thereof, than others
(as wise and godly) should be able to discern of it pro re
nata.
7. Difference of times, places, etc., may aggravate or ex-
tenuate some offences.
8. We must trust God, who can and will provide as wise
and righteous judgment for his people in time to come, as in
the present or forepassed times; and we should not attempt
the hmiting of his providence, and frustrating the gifts of others
by determining all punishments, etc.
Objection. In theft and some other cases, as cases capital,
God hath prescribed a certain punishment.
Ans. 1. In theft, etc., the law respects the damage and
injury of the party, which is still one and the same, though
circumstances may aggravate or extenuate the sin. 2. In
capital cases death is appointed as the highest degree of punish-
ment which man's justice can reach.
Objection. Then we might as well leave all laws arbitrary
at the discretion of the judge.
Ans. 1. The reason is not like. 1. God gave a certain law
where he left the punishment arbitrary, so as we have a clear
rule to guide the law where the punishment may be uncertain.
The varying of the offence in the circumstances doth not vary
the ground or equity of the law, nor the nature of the guilt, as
it doth the measure of the reward. He is as fully guilty of
theft who steals a loaf of bread for his hunger, as he that steals
an horse for his pleasure.
Obj ection. The statutes in IJnglan^ .^t doyn 5^qigrtain pen-
alty for most offences. > * '^ Nv
jilMALSCHOOLJ
52 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1641
Ans. 1. We are not bound to make such examples ourselves.
2. The penalty, commonly, is not so much as the least degree
of that offence deserves: 12d. for an oath, 5s. for drunkenness,
etc.
1642
Mo. 11 (January)]. Those of Providence, being all ana-
baptists, were divided in judgment; some were only against
baptizing of infants ; others denied all magistracy and churches,
etc., of which Gorton, who had lately been whipped at Aquiday,
as is before mentioned, was their instructer and captain/
These, being too strong for the other party, provoked them by
injuries, so as they came armed into the field, each against
other, but Mr. Williams pacified them for the present. This
occasioned the weaker party to write a letter, under all their
hands, to our governor and magistrates, complaining of the
wrongs they suffered, and desiring aid, or, if not that, counsel
from us. We answered them that we could not levy any war,
etc. without a general court. For counsel we told them, that
except they did submit themselves to some jurisdiction, either
Plymouth or ours, we had no calling or warrant to interpose in
their contentions, but if they were once subject to any, then
* Here enters upon the stage Samuel Gorton, an enthusiast of somewhat
better birth and education than many of* his fellow-fanatics. He was scarcely
less of an embarrassment to the come-outers about Narragansett Bay, than to
the men of Plymouth and Massachusetts. Gorton underwent severe persecu-
tion, which he endured heroically, the severities being among the least excusable
of those inflicted by Puritan intolerance. A good account of Gorton, who reached
considerable influence, is contained in the Dictionary of National Biography.
See also Richman, Rhode Island, especially I. 144-148. No account of Gorton's
whipping at Aquiday is to be found on any previous page of Winthrop; but
Lechford, in his Plain Dealing, says of this Rhode Island experience, "there
lately they whipt one Mr. Gorton, a grave man, for denying their power, and abus-
ing some of their magistrates with uncivil terms; the governour, Mr. Coddington,
saying, in court, you that are for the king lay hold on Gorton, and he again on
the other side called forth, all you that are for the king lay hold on Coddington,
whereupon Gorton was banished the island. So with his wife and children he
went to Providence. They began about a small trespass of swine, but it is thought
some other matter was ingredient." The case of Gorton makes it plain that even
in and about Narragansett Bay there were bounds to the exercise of tolerance.
63
54 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
they had a calling to protect them. After this answer we heard
no more from them for a time.
The frost was so great and continual this winter, that all
the bay was frozen over, so much and so long, as the like,
by the Indians' relation, had not been these 40 years, and it
continued from the 18th of this month to the 21st of the 12th
month (February) ; so as horses and carts went over in many
places where ships have sailed. Capt. Gibbons and his wife,
with divers on foot by them, came riding from his farm at
Pullen point, right over to Boston, the 17th of the 12th month,
when it had thawed so much as the water was above the ice
half a foot in some places ; and they passed with loads of wood
and six oxen from Muddy river to Boston, and when it thawed
it removed great rocks of above a ton or more weight, and
brought them on shore. The snow likewise was very deep,
especially northward about Acomenticus, above three feet, and
much more beyond. It was frozen also to sea so far as one
could well discern.
To the southward also the frost was as great and the snow
as deep, and at Virginia itself the great bay was much of it
frozen over, and all their great rivers, so as they lost much cattle
for want of hay, and most of their swine.
There was a shallop with eight men to go from Pascataquack
to Pemaquid about the beginning of the frost, they would needs
set forth upon the Lord's day, though forewarned, etc. They
were taken with a N. W. tempest and put to sea about 14 days:
at length they recovered Monhigen. Four of them died with
cold, the rest were discovered by a fisherman a good time after,
and so brought off the Island.
There was great fear lest much hurt might have been done
upon the breaking up of the frost, (men and beasts were grown
so bold,) but, by the good providence of God, not one person
miscarried, save one Warde of Salem, an honest young man,
who going to show a traveller the safest passage over the river,
as he thought, by the salthouse, fell in, and, though he had a
1642] RICHARD BELLINGHAM, GOVERNOR 55
pitchfork in his hand, yet was presently carried under the ice
by the tide. The traveller fell in with one leg while he went
to help the other, but God preserved him. He had about him
all the letters from England which were brought in a ship newly
arrived at the Isle of Shoals, which sure were the occasion of
God's preserving him, more than any goodness of the man.
Most of the bridges were broken down and divers mills.
About this time one Turner of Charlestown, a man of
about 50 years of age, having led a loose and disorderly hfe,
and being wounded in conscience at a sermon of Mr. Shepherd's,
he kept it in and did not discover his distress to such as might
have offered him help, etc., nor did attend upon the pubHc
means as he ought to have done, and after a good space he went
out from his wife on the Lord's day at night, having kept at
home all that day, and drowned himself in a little pit where
was not above two feet water. . . .
Three men coming in a shallop from Braintree, the wind
taking them short at Castle Island, one of them stepping for-
ward to hand the sail, caused a fowling piece with a French
lock, which lay in the boat, to go off. The whole charge went
through the thigh of one man within one inch of his belly, yet
missed the bone, then the shot (being goose shot) scattered a
httle and struck the second man under his right side upon his
breast, so as above 40 shot entered his body, many into the
capacity of his breast. The third man being now only able to
steer, but not to get home the boat, it pleased God the wind
favored him so as he did fetch the governor's garden,^ and
there being a small boat and men at that time, they brought
them to Boston before they were too far spent with cold and
pain, and beyond all expectation, they were both soon perfectly
recovered, yet he who was shot in the breast fell into a fever
and spit blood.
One John Turner, a merchant's factor of London, had gone
from hence to the West Indies the year before in a small pin-
* Governor's Island.
56 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1642
nace of 15 tons, and returned with great advantage in indigo,
pieces of 8,^ etc. He said he got them by trade, but it was
suspected he got them by prize. He prepared a bigger vessel
and well manned in the beginning of winter, and putting to
sea was forced in again three times. 1. By a leak. 2. By a
contrary wind ; and 3. he spent his mast in fair weather, and
having gotten a new at Cape Anne, and towing it towards the
bay, he lost it by the way, and so by these occasions and by
the frost, he was kept in all winter. Thereupon he gave over
his voyage and went to Virginia, and there sold his vessel and
shipped himself and his commodities in a Dutch ship for the
West Indies.
Mo. 1. (March) 27.] Mr. William Aspenwall, who had been
banished, as is before declared, for joining with Mr. Wheel-
wright, being licensed by the general court to come and tender
his submission, etc., was this day reconciled to the church of
Boston. He made a very free and full acknowledgment of his
error and seducement, and that with much detestation of his
sin. The like he did after, before the magistrates, who were
appointed by the court to take his submission, and upon their
certificate thereof at the next general court, his sentence of
banishment was released.
It is observable how the Lord doth honor his people and
justify their ways, even before the heathen, when their proceed-
ings are true and just, as appears by this instance. Those at
New Haven, intending a plantation at Delaware, sent some
men to purchase a large portion of land of the Indians there,
but they refused to deal with them. It so fell out that a Pequod
sachem (being fled his country in our war with them, and hav-
ing seated himself with his company upon that river ever since)
was accidentally there at that time. He, taking notice of the
English and their desire, persuaded the other sachem to deal
with them, and told him that howsoever they had killed his
countrymen and driven him out, yet they were honest men,
* Pieces of eight reals, i. e., dollars.
1642] RICHARD BELLINGHAM, GOVERNOR 57
and had just cause to do as they did, for the Pequods had done
them wrong, and refused to give such reasonable satisfaction as
was demanded of them. Whereupon the sachem entertained
them, and let them have what land they desired.
2. (April) 14.] A general fast was kept for our native
country and Ireland and our own occasions.
The spring began very early, and the weather was very mild,
but the third and fourth month proved very wet and cold, so
that the low meadows were much spoiled, and at Connecticut
they had such a flood as brake their bridges, and killed all their
winter corn, and forced them to plant much of their Indian over.
The last winter divers vessels were cast away to the south-
ward, one at Long Island, where 8 or 9 persons were drowned.
These were loose people, who Hved by trucking with the
Indians.
Mo. 3. (May) 9.] The ship Eleanor of London, one Mr.
Inglee master, arrived at Boston. She was laden with tobacco
from Virginia, and having been about 14 days at sea, she was
taken with such a tempest, as though all her sails were down and
made up, yet they were blown from the yards, and she was
laid over on one side two and a half hours, so low as the water
stood upon her deck, and the sea over-raking her continually,
and the day was as dark as if it had been night, and though
they had cut her masts, yet she righted not till the tempest
assuaged. She staid here till the 4th of the (4) (June) and was
well fitted with masts, sails, rigging, and victuals at such rea-
sonable rates as the master was much affected with his enter-
tainment, and professed that he never found the like usage in
Virginia where he had traded these ten years.
Captain Underbill, finding no employment here that would
maintain him and his family, and having good offers made him
by the Dutch governor, (he speaking the Dutch tongue and his
wife a Dutch woman,) had been with the governor, and being
returned desired the church's leave to depart. The church, \m-
derstanding that the EngUsh, at Stamford near the Dutch, had
58 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1642
offered him employment and maintenance, (after their ability,)
advised him rather to go thither, seeing they were our country-
men and in a church estate. He accepted this advice. His
wife, being more forward to this, consented, and the church
furnished him out, and provided a pinnace to transport him;
but when he came there he changed his mind, or at least his
course, and went to the Dutch/
18.] The court of elections was. Mr. Winthrop was again
chosen governor, and Mr. Endecott deputy governor. This
being done, Mr. Dudley went away, and though he were chosen
an assistant, yet he would not accept it. Some of the elders
went to his house to deal with him. His answer was, that he
had sufficient reasons to excuse and warrant his refusal, which
he did not think fit to publish, but he would impart to any one
or two of them whom they should appoint, which he did ac-
cordingly. The elders acquainted the court with what they
had done, but not with the reasons of his refusal, only that
they thought them not sufficient. The court sent a magistrate
and two deputies to desire him to come to the court, for as a
counsellor he was to assist in the general court. The next day
he came, and after some excuse he consented to accept the
place, so that the court would declare that if at any time he
should depart out of the jurisdiction, (which he protested he
did not intend,) no oath, either of officer, counsellor, or as-
sistant should hold him in any bond where he stood. This
he desired, not for his own satisfaction, but that it might be a
satisfaction to others who might scruple his liberty herein.
After much debate the court made a general order which gave
him satisfaction.
One Mr. Blinman, a minister in Wales, a godly and able
man, came over with some friends of his, and being invited to
Green's Harbor,^ near Plymouth, they went thither, but ere the
1 John Underhill thus disappears from the stage to dwell with the Dutch,
his former associates no doubt gladly bidding him farewell.
^ Now Marshfield.
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 59
year was expired there fell out some difference among them,
which by no means could be reconciled, so as they agreed to
part, and he came with his company and sat down at Cape
Anne, which at this court was estabhshed to be a plantation,
and called Gloucester.
A book was brought into the com*t, wherein the institution
of the standing council was pretended to be a sinful innova-
tion. The governor moved to have the contents of the book
examined, and then, if there appeared cause, to inquire after
the author. But the greatest part of the court, having some
intimation of the author, of whose honest intentions they were
well persuaded, would not consent, only they permitted it to
be read, but not to be spoken unto, but would have inquiry
first made how it came into the court. "WTiereupon it was
found to have been made by Mr. Saltonstall, one of the assist-
ants, and by him sent to Mr. Hathom (then a deputy of the
court) to be tendered to the court, if he should approve of it.
Mr. Hathom did not acquaint the court with it, but dehvered it
to one of the freemen to consider of, with whom it remained
about half a year, till he delivered it to Mr. Dudley. This dis-
covery being made, the governor moved again that the matter
of the book might be considered, but the court could not agree
to it except Mr. Saltonstall were first acquit from any censure
concerning the said book. This was thought to be a course out
of all order, and upon that some passages very offensive and
unwarrantable were mentioned, about which also the court
being divided, the governor moved to take the advice of the
elders concerning the soundness of the propositions and argu-
ments. This the court would not allow neither, except the
whole cause were referred also, which he thought sure they
would have accepted, for the cause being of a civil nature, it
belonged to the court, and not to the elders, to judge of the
merit thereof. In the end, a day or two after, when no further
proceeding was otherwise hke to be had, it was agreed, that in
regard the court was not jealous of any evil intention in Mr.
60 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
Saltonstall, etc., and that when he did write and deliver it, (as
was supposed,) there was an order in force, which gave hberty
to every freeman to consider and dehver their judgments to the
next court about such fundamental laws as were then to be
estabUshed, (whereof one did concern the institution and power
of the coimcil,) therefore he should be discharged from any
censure or further inquiry about the same, which was voted ac-
cordingly, although there were some expressions in the book
which would not be warranted by that order, as that the coun-
cil was instituted unwarily to satisfy Mr. Vane's desire, etc.,
whereas it was well known to many in the court, as themselves
affirmed, that it was upon the advice and sohcitation of the
elders, and after much deliberation from court to court. Other
passages there were also, which were very unsound, reproach-
ful and dangerous, and was manifested by an answer made
thereunto by Mr. Dudley, and received at the next session
of the court, and by some observations made by Mr. Norris, a
grave and judicious elder, teacher of the church in Salem, (and
with some difficulty read also in court,) who, not suspecting
the author, handled him somewhat sharply according to the
merit of the matter.
This summer five ships more were built, three at Boston,
and one at Dorchester, and one at Salem.
A cooper's wife of Hingham, having been long in a sad mel-
ancholic distemper near to phrensy, and having formerly at-
tempted to drown her child, but prevented by God's gracious
providence, did now again take an opportunity, being alone, to
carry her child, aged three years, to a creek near her house, and
stripping it of the clothes, threw it into the water and mud.
But, the tide being low, the little child scrambled out, and tak-
ing up its clothes, came to its mother who was set down not
far off. She carried the child again, and threw it in so far as it
could not get out ; but then it pleased God, that a yoimg man,
coming that way, saved it. She would give no other reason
for it, but that she did it to save it from misery, and withal
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 61
that she was assured, she had sinned against the Holy Ghost,
and that she could not repent of any sin. Thus doth Satan
work by the advantage of our infirmities, which should stir
us up to cleave the more fast to Christ Jesus, and to walk the
more humbly and watchfully in all our conversation.
At this general court appeared one Richard Gibson a
scholar, sent some three or fom' years since to Richman's Island^
to be a minister to a fishing plantation there belonging to one
Mr. Trelawney of Plymouth in England. He removed from
thence to Pascataquack, and this year was entertained by the
fishermen at the Isle of Shoals to preach to them. He, be-
ing wholly addicted to the hierarchy and discipline of England,
did exercise a ministerial function in the same way, and did
marry and baptize at the Isle of Shoals which was now found
to be within our jurisdiction. This man being incensed against
Mr. Larkham, pastor of the church at Northam, (late Dover,)
for some speeches he delivered in his sermon against such hire-
lings, etc., he sent an open letter to him, wherein he did scan-
dalize our government, oppose our title to those parts, and pro-
voke the people, by way of arguments, to revolt from us (this
letter being showed to many before it came to Mr. Larkham).
Mr. Gibson being now showed this letter, and charged with his
offence, he could not deny the thing, whereupon he was com-
mitted to the marshall. In a day or two after he preferred a
petition, which gave not satisfaction, but the next day he made
a full acknowledgment of all he was charged with, and the
evil thereof, submitting himself to the favor of the court.
Whereupon, in regard he was a stranger, and was to depart the
country within a few days, he was discharged without any fine
or other punishment.
Mo. 4. (June) 8.] One Nathaniel Briscoe, a godly young
man, newly admitted a member of the church of Boston, being
single, he kept with his father, a godly poor man, but minded
* Near Scarborough, Maine. Robert Trelawney and Moses Goodyear had
here a grant, of disputed bounds, from the Council for New England, 1631.
62 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
his own advantage more than his father's necessity, so as that
his father, desiring in the evening to have his help the next
day, he neglected his father's request, and rose very early
next morning to go help another man for wages, and being
loading a boat in a small creek, he fell into the water and was
drowned.
About this time the adventurers to the Isle of Sable fetched
off their men and goods all safe. The oil, teeth, seal and horse
hides, and some black fox skins, came to near £1500.
One Darby Field, an Irishman, hving about Pascataquack,
being accompanied with two Indians, went to the top of the
white hill.* He made his journey in 18 days. His relation at
his return was, that it was about one hundred miles from
Saco, that after 40 miles travel he did, for the most part, ascend,
and within 12 miles of the top was neither tree nor grass, but
low savins, which they went upon the top of sometimes, but
a continual ascent upon rocks, on a ridge between two valleys
filled with snow, out of which came two branches of Saco
river, which met at the foot of the hill where was an Indian
town of some 200 people. Some of them accompanied him
within 8 miles of the top, but durst go no further, telling him
that no Indian ever dared to go higher, and that he would die
if he went. So they staid there till his return, and his two
Indians took courage by his example and went with him. They
went divers times through the thick clouds for a good space,
and within 4 miles of the top they had no clouds, but very
cold. By the way, among the rocks, there were two ponds,
one a blackish water and the other reddish. The top of all
was plain about 60 feet square. On the north side there was
such a precipice, as they could scarce discern to the bottom.
They had neither cloud nor wind on the top, and moderate
heat. All the country about him seemed a level, except here
and there a hill rising above the rest, but far beneath them.
He saw to the north a great water which he judged to be about
* The first ascent of the White Mountains by a European.
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 63
100 miles broad, but could see no land beyond it. The sea by
Saco seemed as if it had been within 20 miles. He saw also a
sea to the eastward, which he judged to be the gulf of Canada:
he saw some great waters in parts to the westward, which he
judged to be the great lake which Canada river comes out of.
He found there much muscovy glass,^ they could rive out pieces
of 40 feet long and 7 or 8 broad. When he came back to the
Indians, he found them drying themselves by the fire, for they
had a great tempest of wind and rain. About a month after
he went again with five or six in his company, then they had
some wind on the top, and some clouds above them which hid
the sun. They brought some stones which they supposed had
been diamonds, but they were most crystal. See after, another
relation more true and exact.
Mo. 4 (June) 22.] In the time of the general court, in a
great tempest of thunder and lightning, in the evening, the
Hghtning struck the upper sail of the windmill in Boston by the
ferry,^ and shattered it in many pieces, and, missing the stones,
struck into the standard, rived it down in three parts to the
bottom, and one of the spars; and the main standard being
bound about with a great iron hoop, fastened with many long
spikes, it was plucked off, broken in the middle, and thrown
upon the floor, and the boards upon the sides of the mill rived
off, the sacks, etc., in the mill set on fire, and the miller being
under the mill, upon the ground, chopping a piece of board, was
struck dead, but company coming in, found him to breathe, so
they carried him to an house, and within an hour or two he
began to stir, and strove with such force, as six men could
scarce hold him down. The next day he came to his senses,
but knew nothing of what had befallen him, but found himself
very sore on divers parts of his body. His hair on one side of
his head and beard was singed, one of his shoes torn off his
foot, but his foot not hurt.
* Strictly, Muscovy glass was isinglass. Here mica is meant.
^The wind-mill was on Copp's Hill, opposite Charlestown.
64 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1642
The Indians at Kennebeck, hearing of the general conspiracy
against the Enghsh, determined to begin there, and one of them
knowing that Mr. Edward Winslow did use to walk within the
palisadoes, prepared his piece to shoot him, but as he was about
it, Mr. Winslow not seeing him nor suspecting any thing, but
thinking he had walked enough, went suddenly into the house,
and so God preserved him.
At the same general court there fell out a great business
upon a very small occasion. Anno 1636, there was a stray sow
in Boston, which was brought to Captain Keayne: he had it
cried divers times, and divers came to see it, but none made
claim to it for near a year. He kept it in his yard with a sow
of his own. Afterwards one Sherman's wife, having lost such
a sow, laid claim to it, but came not to see it, till Captain
Keayne had killed his own sow. After being showed the stray
sow, and finding it to have other marks than she had claimed
her sow by, she gave out that he had killed her sow. The noise
hereof being spread about the town, the matter was brought
before the elders of the church as a case of offence ; many wit-
nesses were examined, and Captain Keajme was cleared. She
not being satisfied with this, by the instigation of one George
Story, a young merchant of London, who kept in her house,
(her husband being then in England,) and had been brought
before the governor upon complaint of Captain Keayne as
living under suspicion, she brought the cause to the inferior
court at Boston, where, upon a full hearing, Capt. Keayne
was again cleared, and the jury gave him £3 for his cost, and
he bringing his action against Story and her for reporting about
that he had stolen her sow, recovered £20 damages of either
of them. Story upon this searcheth town and country to find
matter against Captain Keayne about this stray sow, and got
one of his witnesses to come into Salem court and to con-
fess there that he had forsworn himself; and upon this he peti-
tions in Sherman's name, to this general court, to have the
cause heard again, which was granted, and the best part of
1G42] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 65
seven days were spent in examining of witnesses and debating
of the cause; and yet it was not determined, for there being
nine magistrates and thirty deputies, no sentence could by law
pass without the greater number of both, which neither plaintiff
nor defendant had, for there were for the plaintiff two magis-
trates and fifteen deputies, and for the defendant seven magis-
trates and eight deputies, the other seven deputies stood
doubtful. Much contention and earnestness there was, which
indeed did mostly arise from the difficulty of the case, in regard
of cross witnesses, and some prejudices (as one professed) against
the person, which bhnded some men's judgments that they
could not attend the true nature and course of the evidence.
For all the plaintiff's witnesses amounted to no more but an
evidence of probabihty, so as they might all swear true, and
yet the sow in question might not be the plaintiff's. But the
defendant's witnesses gave a certain evidence, upon their
certain knowledge, and that upon certain grounds, (and these
as many and more and of as good credit as the others,) so as if
this testimony were true, it was not possible the sow should be
the plaintiff's. Besides, whereas the plaintiff's wife was ad-
mitted to take her oath for the marks of her sow, the defendant
and his wife (being a very godly sober woman) was denied the
hke, although propounded in the court by Mr. Cotton, upon
that rule in the law he shall swear he hath not put his
hands to his neighbor's goods. Yet they both in the open court
solemnly, as in the presence of God, declared their innocency,
etc. Further, if the case had been doubtful, yet the defendant's
lawful possession ought to have been preferred to the plaintiff's
doubtful title, for in equali jure mehor est conditio possidentis.
But the defendant being of ill report in the country for a hard
dealer in his course of trading, and having been formerly cen-
sured in the court and in the church also, by admonition for
such offences, carried many weak minds strongly against him.
And the truth is, he was very worthy of blame in that kind,
as divers others in the coimtry were also in those times, though
66 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
they were not detected as he was ; yet to give every man his
due, he was very useful to the country both by his hospitaUty
and otherwise. But one dead fly spoils much good ointment.
There was great expectation in the country, by occasion of
Story's clamors against him, that the cause would have passed
against the captain, but falUng out otherwise, gave occasion to
many to speak unreverently of the court, especially of the mag-
istrates, and the report went, that their negative voice had hin-
dered the course of justice, and that these magistrates must be
put out, that the power of the negative voice might be taken
away. Thereupon it was thought fit by the governor and
other of the magistrates to publish a declaration of the true
state of the cause, that truth might not be condemned un-
known. This was framed before the court brake up ; for pre-
vention whereof, the governor tendered a declaration in nature
of a pacification, whereby it might have appeared, that, howso-
ever the members of the court dissented in judgment, yet they
were the same in affection, and had a charitable opinion of each
other; but this was opposed by some of the plaintiff's part,
so it was laid by. And because there was much laboring in
the country upon a false supposition, that the magistrate's
negative voice stopped the plaintiff in the case of the sow, one
of the magistrates published a declaration of the necessity of
upholding the same. It may be here inserted, being but brief.*
^ The account here of a dispute over a very trivial matter must not be over-
looked, since from the small occasion proceeded a memorable constitutional
change. Captain Robert Keayne, a well-to-do and highly connected man, in-
terested in many important events, often was the object of popular ill-will, at
this time being under suspicion of extortion. The charge made against him
by Mistress Sherman seemed to many well-based, and being pushed with vigor
by her and her friend Story, brought about at last nothing less than a constitu-
tional crisis. Among the magistrates Bellingham and Saltonstall sided with the
people; but the magistrates in general opposing, much agitation arose as to the
"negative vote," which ended in the establishment for the colony of the bi-
cameral system, the magistrates to sit by themselves as a senate, and the deputies
to constitute an independent house. This change, whose consummation Winthrop
notes on a later page, has profoundly affected political development. Records
of Massachusetts Bay, under date.
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 67
Mo. 5. (July) 7.] From Maryland came one Mr. Neale
with two pinnaces and commission from Mr. Calvert, the gover-
nor there, to buy mares and sheep, but having nothing to pay
for them but bills charged upon the Lord Baltimore in England,
no man would deal with him. One of his vessels was so eaten
with worms that he was forced to leave her.
Mr. Chancey of Scituate persevered in his opinion of dipping
in baptism, and practised accordingly, first upon two of his
own, which being in very cold weather, one of them swooned
away. Another, having a child about three years old, feared
it would be frightened, (as others had been, and one caught
hold of Mr. Chancey and had near pulled him into the water,)
she brought her child to Boston, with letters testimonial from
Mr. Chancey, and had it baptized there.
21.] A general fast was kept by order of the general court
and advice of some of the elders. The occasion was princi-
pally for the danger we conceived our native country was in,
and the foul sins which had broken out among ourselves, etc.
23.] Osamaken, the great sachem of Pakanocott in Plym-
outh jurisdiction, came, attended with many men and some
other sagamores accompanying him, to visit the governor, who
entertained him kindly, etc.
The Mary Rose, which had been blown up and sunk with all
her ordnance, ballast, much lead, and other goods, was now
weighed and brought to shore by the industry and dihgence of
one Edward Bendall of Boston. The court gave the owners
above a year's time to recover her and free the harbor, which
was much damnified by her; and they having given her over
and never attempting to weigh her, Edward Bendall undertook
it upon these terms, viz., if he freed the harbor, he should have
the whole, otherwise he should have half of all he recovered.
He made two great tubs, bigger than a butt, very tight, and
open at one end, upon which were hanged so many weights as
would sink it to the ground (600wt). It was let down, the
diver sitting in it, a cord in his hand to give notice when they
68 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
should draw him up, and another cord to show when they should
remove it from place to place, so he could continue in his tub
near half an hour, and fasxen ropes to the ordnance, and put the
lead, etc., into a net or tub. And when the tub was drawn up,
one knocked upon the head of it, and thrust a long pole under
water, which the diver laid hold of, and so was drawn up by it ;
for they might not draw the open end out of water for en-
dangering him, etc.^ The case of the money, shot out of one
of the guns, which came to a trial in the court at Boston, (8)
(October) 27, see in the next leaf.
5. (July) 28.] A Dutch ship of 300 tons arrived here, laden
with salt from the West Indies, which she sold here for plank
and pipe staves. She brought two Spanish merchants, who
being taken at sea, while they went in a frigate from Domingo
to find an English ship which they had freighted there, and was
by their agreement stolen out of the harbor, where she had
been long embarred, they hired this Dutchman to bring them
hither where they had appointed their ship to come, not daring
to go into Spain or England. They staid here about a month,
but their ship came not, so they went away again. We heard
after that their ship had been 14 days beating upon our coast,
and being put back, still, by N. W. winds, she bare up, and
went for England, and arriving at Southampton, the parlia-
ment made use of the treasure.
God would not suffer her to come to us, lest our hearts should
have been taken with her wealth, and so have caused the
Spaniard to have an evil eye upon us.
Some of the elders went to Concord, being sent for by the
church there, to advise with them about the maintenance of
their elders, etc. They found them wavering about removal,
not finding their plantation answerable to their expectation,
and the maintenance of two elders too heavy a burden for them.
The elders' advice was, that they should continue and wait
^ A very early instance, perhaps the earliest on record, of the use of the diving-
bell.
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 69
upon God, and be helpful to their elders in labor and what
they could, and all to be ordered by the deacons, (whose office
had not formerly been improved this way amongst them,) and
that the elders should be content with what means the church
was able at present to afford them, and if either of them should
be called to some other place, then to advise with other churches
about removal.
One Wequash Cook, an Indian, hving about Connecticut
river's mouth, and keeping much at Saybrook with Mr. Fen-
wick, attained to good knowledge of the things of God and
salvation by Christ, so as he became a preacher to other In-
dians, and labored much to convert them, but without any
effect, for within a short time he fell sick, not without suspicion
of poison from them, and died very comfortably.
There was about £30 put into one of the guns of the Mary
Rose, which was known all abroad. The guns being taken up
and searched, they pulled out of one of them a wad of rope
yarn. They handled it and found it very heavy, and began to
undo it, but being very wet and foul they threw it down ; and
about 8 or 9 days after, coming to try one of the gims, and
finding this wad lying there, they thrust it in after the powder,
and shot it off into the channel, but perceived part of it to
break and fall short, and the rest fell into the middle of the
channel. But the next low water there was taken up several
pieces of gold and some silver. This was in a place where
people passed daily, and never any found there before that
time. Those who found the money refused to restore it
to him who had bought and taken up the wreck. Where-
upon he brought his action, and the money was adjudged
to him.
Two ships arrived from England, but brought not above five
or six passengers, save our own people, and very few goods,
except rigging, etc., for some ships which were building
here.
Now came over a book of Mr. Cotton's sermons upon
70 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1642
the seven vials. Mr. Humfrey had gotten the notes from
some who had took them by characters/ and printed them in
London, he had 300 copies for it, which was a great wrong
to Mr. Cotton, and he was much grieved at it, for it had been
fit he should have perused and corrected the copy before it had
been printed.
Mo. 6 (August).] Mr. Welde, Mr. Peter, and Mr. Hibbins,
who were sent the last year into England, had procured £500
which they sent over in hnen, woollen, and other useful com-
modities for the country, which, because the stock might be
preserved and returned this year for a further supply, were put
off together, for about eighty pounds profit, and the principal
returned by Mr. Stoughton in the next ship.
By their means also, Mr. Richard Andrews, an haberdasher
in Cheapside, London, a godly man, and who had been a
former benefactor to this country, having 500 pounds due to
him from the governor and company of Plymouth, gave it to
this colony to be laid out in cattle, and other course of trade,
for the poor.
Two fishermen drowned in a shallop, which was overset
near Pascataquack.
24.] The ship Trial, about 200 tons, built at Boston by the
merchants there, being now ready to set sail, (Mr. Thomas
Coytmore^ master, and divers godly seamen in her,) Mr.
Cotton was desired to preach aboard her, etc., but upon con-
sideration that the audience would be too great for the ship,
the sermon was at the meeting house.
A plantation was begun the last year at Delaware Bay by
those of New Haven, and some 20 families were transported
thither, but this summer there fell such sickness and mortality
among them as dissolved the plantation. The same sickness
and mortality befell the Swedes also, who were planted upon
* 7. e., in shorthand.
^ Thomas Coytmore, a worthy freeman whose widow became in 1647 the
fourth wife of Winthrop.
1642) JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 71
the same river. The English were after driven out by the
Swedes.
Mo. 7 (September).] Mr. William Hibbins, who was one
of those who were sent over into England the year before, ar-
rived now in safety, with divers others who went over then also.
He made a public declaration to the church in Boston, of all
the good providences of the Lord towards him in his voyage to
and fro, etc., wherein it was very observable what care the Lord
had of them, and what desperate dangers they were delivered
from upon the seas, such as the eldest seamen were amazed;
and indeed such preservations and dehverances have been so
frequent, to such ships as have carried those of the Lord's
family between the two Englands, as would fill a perfect volume
to report them all.
6.] There came letters from divers Lords of the upper house,
and some 30 of the house of commons, and others from the
ministers there, who stood for the independency of churches,
to Mr. Cotton of Boston, Mr. Hooker of Hartford, and Mr.
Davenport of New Haven, to call them, or some of them, if
all could not, to England, to assist in the synod there appoint-
ed, to consider and advise about the settling of church govern-
ment. Upon this such of the magistrates and elders as were
at hand met together, and were most of them of opinion that
it was a call of God, yet took respite of concluding, till they
might hear from the rest. Whereupon a messenger was pres-
ently despatched to Connecticut, and New Haven, with the
letters, etc. Upon return, it was found that Mr. Hooker Hked
not the business, nor thought it any sufficient call for them to
go 3,000 miles to agree with three men, (meaning those three
ministers who were for independency, and did solicit in the par-
liament, etc.). Mr. Davenport thought otherwise of it, so as
the church there set apart a day to seek the Lord in it, and
thereupon came to this conclusion, that seeing the church had
no other officer but himself, therefore they might not spare him.
Mr. Cotton apprehended strongly a call of God in it; though
72 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1642
he were very averse to a sea voyage, and the more because his
ordinary topic in Acts 13, led him to dehver that doctrine of
the interest all chm'ches have in each other's members for mu-
tual helpfulness, etc. But soon after came other letters
out of England, upon the breach between the king and parlia-
ment, from one of the former Lords, and from Mr. Welde
and Mr. Peter, to advise them to stay till they heard further;
so this care came to an end.^
There arrived another ship with salt, which was put off for
pipe staves, etc., so by an unexpected providence we were sup-
plied of salt to go on with our fishing, and of ships to take off
our pipe staves, which lay upon men's hands.
There fell out a very sad accident at Weymouth. One
Richard Sylvester, having three small children, he and his wife
going to the assembly, upon the Lord's day, left their children
at home. The eldest was without doors looking to some cat-
tle; the middle-most, being a son about five years old, seeing
his father's fowling piece, (being a very great one,) stand in the
chimney, took it and laid it upon a stool, as he had seen his
father do, and pulled up the cock, (the spring being weak,) and
put down the hammer, then went to the other end and blowed
in the mouth of the piece, as he had seen his father also do,
and with that stirring the piece, being charged, it went off, and
shot the child into the mouth and through his head. When
the father came home he found his child lie dead, and could
not have imagined how he should have been so killed, but the
youngest child, (being but three years old, and could scarce
speak,) showed him the whole manner of it.
* This invitation, extended by Owen, Goodwin and Nye, the three chief
ministers of the Independents in England, to the three Hghts of the New England
Congregationalism, to take part in the Westminster Assembly, is very significant.
From the three, especially Cotton, had gone back to England a powerful influence,
so much so that Independency in England was called " the New England way."
At this period Independency was just rising into consequence, but afterwards it
became dominant. It would have been a calamity to New England had Cotton,
Hooker and Davenport at this time departed, and their presence in England could
scarcely have affected the general result.
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 73 j
There arrived in a small pinnace one Mr. Bennet, a gentle-
man of Virginia, with letters from many well disposed people
of the upper new farms^ in Virginia to the elders here, be-
wailing their sad condition for want of the means of salvation,
and earnestly entreating a supply of faithful ministers, whom,
upon experience of their gifts and godliness, they might call
to office, etc. Upon these letters, (which were openly read in
Boston upon a lecture day,) the elders met, and set a day
apart to seek God in it, and agreed upon three who might
most likely be spared, viz., Mr. Phillips of Watertown, Mr.
Tompson of Braintree, and Mr. Miller of Rowley, for these
churches had each of them two. Having designed these men,
they acquainted the general court herewith, who did approve
thereof, and ordered that the governor should commend them
to the governor and council of Virginia, which was done
accordingly. But Mr. Phillips being not willing to go, Mr.
Knolles, his fellow elder, and Mr. Tompson, with the consent
of their churches, were sent away, and departed on their way
8ber (October) 7. to Taunton, to meet the bark at Narragansett.
Mr. Miller did not accept the call. The main argument, which
prevailed with the churches to dismiss them to that work, and
with the court to allow and further it, was the advancement of
the kingdom of Christ in those parts, and the confidence they
had in the promise, that whosoever shall part with father, etc.,
for my sake and the gospel's, shall receive an hundred fold.
We were so far from fearing any loss by parting with such de-
sirable men, as we looked at them as seed sown, which would
bring us in a plentiful harvest, and we accounted it no small
honor that God had put upon his poor churches here, that other
parts of the world should seek to us for help in this kind. For
about the same time, two of our vessels which had been gone
near a year, and were much feared to be lost, returned home
with a good supply of cotton, and brought home letters with
' Perhaps the reading should be "of upper Norfolke." At any rate the chief
signers of the letter were magistrates of that county.
74 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
them from Barbadoes and other islands in those parts, intreat-
ing us to supply them with ministers. But, understanding that
these people were much infected with famihsm, etc., the elders
did nothing about it, intending to inquire further by another
vessel, which was preparing for those parts.
Mo. 7. (September) 1.] There came letters from the court
at Connecticut, and from two of the magistrates there, and from
Mr. Ludlow, near the Dutch, certifying us that the Indians
all over the country had combined themselves to cut off all the
English, that the time was appointed after harvest, the manner
also, they should go by small companies to the chief men's
houses by way of trading, etc., and should kill them in the
houses and seize their weapons, and then others should be at
hand to prosecute the massacre ; and that this was discovered
by three several Indians, near about the same time and in the
same manner; one to Mr. Eaton of New Haven, another to
Mr. Ludlow, and the third to Mr. Haynes. This last being
hurt near to death by a cart, etc., sent after Mr. Haynes, and
told him that Englishman's God was angry with him, and had
set Enghshman's cow to kill him, because he had concealed
such a conspiracy against the English, and so told him of it, as
the other two had done. Upon this their advice to us was, that
it was better to enter into war presently, and begin with them,
and if we would send 100 men to the river's mouth of Con-
necticut, they would meet us with a proportionable number.
Upon these letters, the governor called so many of the mag-
istrates as were near, and being met, they sent out summons
for a general court, to be kept six days after, and in the mean
time, it was thought fit, for our safety, and to strike some ter-
ror into the Indians, to disarm such as were within our jurisdic-
tion. Accordingly we sent men to Cutshamekin, at Brain tree,
to fetch him and his guns, bows, etc., which was done, and he
came wilhngly, and being late in the night when they came to
Boston, he was put in the prison ; but the next morning, find-
ing upon examination of him and divers of his men, no ground
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 75
of suspicion of his partaking in any such conspiracy, he was
dismissed.
Upon the warrant which went to Ipswich, Rowley, and New-
bury, to disarm Passaconamy, who hved by Merrimack, they
sent forth 40 men armed the next day, being the Lord's day.
But it rained all the day, as it had done divers days before, and
also after, so as they could not go to his wigwam, but they
came to his son's and took him, which they had warrant for,
and a squaw and her child, which they had no warrant for,
and therefore order was given so soon as we heard of it, to
send them home again. They, fearing his son's escape, led
him in a line, but he taking an opportunity, slipped his Une
and escaped from them, but one very indiscreetly made a shot
at him, and missed him narrowly. Upon the intelligence of
these unwarranted proceedings, and considering that Passa-
conamy would look at it as a manifest injury, (as indeed
we conceived it to be, and had always shunned to give them
any just occasion against us,) the court being now assembled,
we sent Cutshamekin to him to let him know that what was
done to his son and squaw was without order, and to show him
the occasion whereupon we had sent to disarm all the Indians,
and that when we should find that they were innocent of any
such conspiracy, we would restore all their arms again, and to
will him also to come speak with us. He returned answer that
he knew not what was become of his son and his squaw, (for
one of them was run into the woods and came not again for
ten days after, and the other was still in custody,) if he had
them safe again, then he would come to us. Accordingly
about a fortnight after he sent his eldest son to us, who delivered
up his guns, etc.
Mo. 7. {September) 8.] The general court being assembled,
we considered of the letters and other intelligence from Con-
necticut, and although the thing seemed very probable, yet
we thought it not sufficient ground for us to begin a war, for
it was possible it might be otherwise, and that all this might
76 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
come out of the enmity which had been between Miantunnomoh
and Onkus, who continually sought to discredit each other with
the EngUsh. We considered also of the like reports which had
formerly be-en raised almost every year since we came, and how
they proved to be but reports raised up by the opposite factions
among the Indians. Besides we found ourselves in very ill
case for war, and if we should begin, we must then be forced
to stand continually upon our guard, and to desert our farms
and business abroad, and all our trade with the Indians, which
things would bring us very low; and besides, if upon this in-
telligence we should kill any of them, or lose any of our own,
and it should be found after to have been a false report, we
might provoke God's displeasure, and blemish our wisdom and
integrity before the heathen. Further it was considered that
our beginning with them could not secure us against them : we
might destroy some part of their corn and wigwams, and force
them to fly into the woods, etc., but the men would be still
remaining to do us mischief, for they will never fight us in the
open field. Lastly, it was considered that such as were to be
sent out in such an expedition were, for the most part, godly,
and would be as well assured of the justice of the cause as the
warrant of their call, and then we would not fear their for-
wardness and courage, but if they should be sent out, not well
resolved, we might fear the success.
According to these considerations, we returned answer to
Connecticut, and withal we sent two men with two interpreters,
an Enghshman and an Indian, to Miantunnomoh, to let him
know what intelhgence we had of his drawing the rest of the
Indians into a confederation against us, and of his purpose
to make his son sachem of Pequod, and of other things which
were breaches of the league he made with us, and to desire
him to come by such a time to give us satisfaction about them.
If he refused to come, and gave them no satisfactory answer,
then to let him know that if he -regarded not our friendship,
he would give us occasion to right ourselves. And instruction
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 77
was given them, that if he gave them occasion, they should
tell him the reason of our disarming the Indians, and excuse
the injury done to Passaconamy, to be a mistake and v/ithout
our order. The messengers coming to him, he carried them
apart into the woods, taking only one of his chief men with
him, and gave them very rational answers to all their prop-
ositions, and promised also to come over to us, which he did
within the time prefixed.
When he came, the court was assembled, and before his ad-
mission, we considered how to treat with him, (for we knew
him to be a very subtile man,) and agreed upon the points and
order, and that none should propoimd any thing to him but the
governor, and if any other of the court had any thing material
to suggest, he should impart it to the governor.
Being called in, and mutual salutations passed, he was set
down at the lower end of the table, over against the governor,
and had only two or three of his counsellors, and two or three
of our neighboring Indians, such as he desired, but would not
speak of any business at any time, before some of his counsel-
lors were present, alleging, that he would have them present,
that they might bear witness with him, at his return home, of
all his sayings.
In all his answers he was very deliberate and showed good
understanding in the principles of justice and equity, and
ingenuity withal. He demanded that his accusers might be
brought forth, to the end, that if they could not make good
what they had charged him with, they might suffer what he
was worthy of, and must have expected, if he had been found
guilty, viz., death. We answered, we knew them not, nor
were they within our power, nor would we give credit to them,
before we had given him knowledge of it, according to our
agreement with him. He replied, if you did not give credit
to it, why then did you disarm the Indians. We answered, for
our security, and because we had been credibly informed that
some of the eastern Indians had lately robbed divers English-
78 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1642
men's houses at Saco, and taken away their powder and guns.
This answer satisfied him. He gave divers reasons, why we
should hold him free of any such conspiracy, and why we should
conceive it was a report raised by Onkus, etc., and therefore
offered to meet Onkus at Connecticut, or rather at Boston, and
would prove to his face his treachery against the English, etc.,
and told us he would come to us at any time ; for though some
had dissuaded him, assuring him, that the English would put
him to death, or keep him in prison, yet he being innocent of
any ill intention against the English, he knew them to be so
just, as they would do him no wrong, and told us, that if we
sent but any Indian to him that he liked, he would come to us,
and we should not need to send any of our own men. He
urged much, that those might be punished, who had raised this
slander, and put it to our consideration what damage it had
been to him, in that he was forced to keep his men at home,
and not suffer them to go forth on hunting, etc., till he had
given the English satisfaction, and the charge and trouble it
had put the English unto, etc. We spent the better part of
two days in treating with him, and in conclusion he did ac-
commodate himself to us to our satisfaction ; only some diffi-
culty we had, to bring him to desert the Nianticks, if we had
just cause of war with them. They were, he said, as his own
flesh, being allied by continual intermarriages, etc. But at last
he condescended,* that if they should do us wrong, as he could
not draw them to give us satisfaction for, nor himself could
satisfy, as if it were for blood, etc., then he would leave them
to us.
When we should go to dinner, there was a table provided for
the Indians, to dine by themselves, and Miantunnomoh was
left to sit with them. This he was discontented at, and would
eat nothing, till the governor sent him meat from his table.
So at night, and all the time he staid, he sat at the lower end
of the magistrate's table. When he departed, we gave him
* Agreed.
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 79
and his counsellors coats and tobacco, and when he came to
take his leave of the governor, and such of the magistrates as
were present, he returned, and gave his hand to the governor
again, saying, that was for the rest of the magistrates who were
absent.
The court being adjourned for a few days, till we might hear
from Miantunnomoh, (it was assembled again at such time as
he came to Boston,) there came letters from Connecticut, cer-
tifying us of divers insolencies of the Indians, which so con-
firmed their minds in believing the former report, as they were
now resolved to make war upon the Indians, and earnestly
pressing us to delay no longer to send forth our men to join
with them, and that they thought they should be forced to
begin before they could hear from us again.
Upon receipt of these letters, the governor assembled such
of the magistrates and deputies as were at hand, and divers of
the elders also, (for they were then met at Boston upon other
occasions,) and imparted the letters to them, with other letters
sent from the governor of Plymouth, intimating some observa-
tions they had, which made them very much to suspect, that
there was such a plot in hand, etc. We all sat in consultation
hereabout all the day, and in the end concluded, 1. That all
these informations might arise from a false ground, and out of
the enmity which was between the Naragansett and Monhigen.
2. Being thus doubtful, it was not a sufficient ground for us
to war upon them. 3. That all these particular insolencies
and wrongs ought to be revenged and repaired by course of
justice, if it might be obtained, otherwise we should never be
free from war. And accordingly, letters were sent back to our
brethren at Connecticut, to acquaint them with our opinions,
and to dissuade them from going forth, alleging how dishonor-
able it would be to us all, that, while we were upon treaty with
the Indians, they should make war upon them, for they would
account their act as our own, seeing we had formerly professed
to the Indians, that we were all as one, and in our late message
80 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
to Miantunnomoh, had remembered him again of the same, and
he had answered that he did so account us. Upon receipt of
this our answer, they forbare to enter into war, but (it seemed)
unwilhngly, and as not well pleased with us.
Although we apprehended no danger, yet we continued our
mihtary watches, till near the end of 8ber (October), and restored
the Indians all their arms we had taken from them : for although
we saw it was very dangerous to us, that they should have
guns, etc., yet we saw not in justice how we could take them
away, seeing they came lawfully by them, (by trade with the
French and Dutch for the most part,) and used them only for
killing of fowl and deer, etc., except they brought themselves
into the state of an enemy, therefore we thought it better to
trust God with our safety than to save ourselves by imrighteous-
ness.^
At this court we were informed of some English to the
eastward, who ordinarily traded powder to the Indians, and
lived alone under no government; whereupon we granted
warrant to a gentleman, that upon due proof, etc., he should
take away their powder, leaving them sufficient for their own
occasions.
This court also took order, that every town should be fur-
nished with powder out of the common store, paying for it in
country commodities; likewise for muskets, and for mihtary
watches, and alarms, etc. Presently upon this, there arose an
alarm in the night upon this occasion. (7.) {September) 19. A
man, travehing late from Dorchester to Watertown, lost his
way, and being benighted and in a swamp about 10 of the clock,
hearing some wolves howl, and fearing to be devoured of them,
he cried out help, help. One that dwelt within hearing, over
* It is not known what reasons the Connecticut men had at this time for
fearing an Indian outbreak. Uncas and Miantonomo, sachems respectively
of the Mohegans and Narragansetts, were unfriendly and intrigued against each
other. Massachusetts had good reason to be anxious, and no blame can attach
to the magistrates for watching Miantonomo, who had managed to quiet the
suspicions of his white neighbors.
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 81
against Cambridge, hallooed to him. The other still cried out,
which caused the man to fear that the Indians had gotten some
English man and were torturing him, but not daring to go to
him, he discharged a piece two or three times. This gave the
alarm to Watertown, and so it went as far as Salem and Dor-
chester, but about one or two of the clock no enemy appearing,
etc., all retired but the watch.
At this court also, four of Providence, who could not consort
with Gorton and that company, and therefore were continually
injured and molested by them, came and offered themselves
and their lands, etc., to us, and were accepted under our
government and protection. This we did partly to rescue these
men from unjust violence, and partly to draw in the rest in
those parts, either under ourselves or Plymouth, who now lived
under no government, but grew very offensive, and the place
was likely to be of use to us, especially if we should have occa-
sion of sending out against any Indians of Naragansett and
likewise for an outlet into the Naragansett Bay, and seeing it
came without our seeking, and would be no charge to us, we
thought it not wisdom to let it slip.^
The English of Southampton, on Long Island, having cer-
tain intelligence of one of those Indians who murdered Ham-
mond, who was put ashore there with others, when their
pinnace was wrecked, sent Captain Howe, and eight or ten
men to take him. He being in the wigwam, ran out, and with
his knife wounded one of the English in the breast, and so
behaved himself as they were forced to kill him.
22.] The court, with advice of the elders, ordered a general
fast. The occasions were, 1. The ill news we had out of Eng-
land concerning the breach between the king and parliament.
2. The danger of the Indians. 3. The unseasonable weather,
^ The settlement at Providence was anything but a happy family. The
more moderate spirits were sometimes outraged; it was soon found that there
must be limits to tolerance. The action of the four Providence men, which gave
Massachusetts pretext for a protectorate, was taken in accordance with the
advice recorded on p. 53, ante.
82 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1642
the rain having continued so long, viz. near a fortnight together,
scarce one fair day, and much com and hay spoiled, though
indeed it proved a blessing to us, for it being with warm east-
erly winds, it brought the Indian corn to maturity, which other-
wise would not have been ripe, and it pleased God, that so soon
as the fast was agreed upon, the weather changed, and proved
fair after.
At this court, the propositions sent from Connecticut, about
a combination, etc., were read, and referred to a committee to
consider of after the court, who meeting, added some few cau-
tions and new articles, and for the taking in of Plymouth, (who
were now wiUing,) and Sir Ferdinando Gorges' province, and
so returned them back to Connecticut, to be considered upon
against the spring, for winter was now approaching, and there
could be no meeting before, etc.
The sudden fall of land and cattle, and the scarcity of foreign
commodities, and money, etc., with the thin access of people
from England, put many into an unsettled frame of spirit, so
as they concluded there would be no subsisting here, and
accordingly they began to hasten away, some to the West
Indies, others to the Dutch, at Long Island, etc., (for the gov-
ernor there invited them by fair offers,) and others back for
England. Among others who returned thither, there was one
of the magistrates, Mr. Humfrey, and four ministers, and a
schoolmaster. These would needs go against all advice, and
had a fair and speedy voyage, till they came near England,
all which time, three of the ministers, with the schoolmaster,
spake reproachfully of the people and of the country, but the
wind coming up against them, they were tossed up and down,
being in lOber (December), so long till their provisions and
other necessaries were near spent, and they were forced to strait
allowance, yet at length the wind coming fair again, they got
into the Sleeve,^ but then there arose so great a tempest at
S. E. as they could bear no sail, and so were out of hope of
^ The English Channel, Fr. La Manche.
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 83
being saved (being in the night also). Then they humbled
themselves before the Lord, and acknowledged God's hand to
be justly out against them for speaking evil of this good land
and the Lord's people here, etc. Only one of them, Mr.
Phillips of Wrentham, in England, had not joined with the
rest, but spake well of the people, and of the country; upon
this it pleased the Lord to spare their lives, and when they
expected every moment to have been dashed upon the rocks,
(for they were hard by the Needles,) he turned the wind so as
they were carried safe to the Isle of Wight by St. Helen's:
yet the Lord followed them on shore. Some were exposed
to great straits and foimd no entertainment, their friends for-
saking them. One had a daughter that presently ran mad,
and two other of his daughters, being under ten years of age,
were discovered to have been often abused by divers lewd
persons, and filthiness in his family. The schoolmaster had no
sooner hired an house, and gotten in some scholars, but the
plague set in, and took away two of his own children.
Others who went to other places, upon like grounds, suc-
ceeded no better. They fled for fear of want, and many of
them fell into it, even to extremity, as if they had hastened into
the misery which they feared and fled from, besides the depriv-
ing themselves of the ordinances and church fellowship, and
those civil hberties which they enjoyed here; whereas, such
as staid in their places, kept their peace and ease, and enjoyed
still the blessing of the ordinances, and never tasted of those
troubles and miseries, which they heard to have befallen those
who departed. Much disputation there was about liberty of
removing for outward advantages, and all ways were sought
for an open door to get out at; but it is to be feared many
crept out at a broken wall. For such as come together into a
wilderness, where are nothing but wild beasts and beastlike
men, and there confederate together in civil and church estate,
whereby they do, implicitly at least, bind themselves to support
each other, and all of them that society, whether civil or sacred,
84 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
whereof they are members, how they can break from this with-
out free consent, is hard to find, so as may satisfy a tender or
good conscience in time of trial. Ask thy conscience, if thou
wouldst have plucked up thy stakes, and brought thy family
3000 miles, if thou hadst expected that all, or most, would
have forsaken thee there. Ask again, what liberty thou hast
towards others, which thou likest not to allow others towards
thyself; for if one may go, another may, and so the greater
part, and so church and commonwealth may be left destitute
in a wilderness, exposed to misery and reproach, and all for thy
ease and pleasure, whereas these all, being now thy brethren, as
near to thee as the Israelites were to Moses, it were much safer
for thee, after his example, to choose rather to suffer affliction
with thy brethren, than to enlarge thy ease and pleasure by
furthering the occasion of their ruin.*
Nine bachelors commenced at Cambridge ; they were young
men of good hope, and performed their acts, so as gave good
proof of their proficiency in the tongues and arts. (8.) {Octo-
ber) 5. The general court had settled a government or super-
intendency over the college, viz., all the magistrates and elders
over the six nearest churches and the president, or the greatest
part of these. Most of them were now present at this first com-
mencement, and dined at the college with the scholars' ordi-
nary commons, which was done of purpose for the students'
encouragement, etc., and it gave good content to all.^
At this commencement, complaint was made to the gov-
ernors of two young men, of good quality, lately come out of
England, for foul misbehavior, in swearing and ribaldry
^ A pathetic outpouring from the fatheriy heart of Winthrop over his straitened
and apparently disintegrating colony.
^ This entry relates to the first commencement at Cambridge. The college
was founded in 1636. Nowhere in the Journal is there mention of the benefac-
tion of John Harvard. The act of 1642 vested the government in all the magis-
trates of the jurisdiction {i. e., of Massachusetts), the teaching elders of the six
nearest towns, and the president. One of the nine who were graduated was the
celebrated George Downing.
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 85
speeches, etc., for which, though they were adulti, they
were corrected in the college, and sequestered, etc., for a
time.
6.] Here came in a French shallop with some 14 men,
whereof one was La Tour his lieutenant. They brought letters
from La Tour to the governor, full of compliments, and desire
of assistance from us against Monsieur D'Aulnay. They
staid here about a week, and were kindly entertained, and
though they were papists, yet they came to our church meet-
ing; and the heutenant seemed to be much affected to find
things as he did, and professed he never saw so good order
in any place. One of the elders gave him a French testament
with Marlorat's notes, which he kindly accepted, and promised
to read it.^
13.] Six ships went hence, laden with pipe staves and other
commodities of this country; four went a little before. Of
these, four were built in the country this year. Thus God pro-
vided for us beyond expectation.
6.] Mention is made before of the white hills, discovered
by one Darby Field. The report he brought of shining stones,
etc., caused divers others to travel thither, but they found
nothing worth their pains. Amongst others, Mr. Gorge and
Mr. Vines, two of the magistrates of Sir Ferdinand Gorge his
province, went thither about the end of this month. They
went up Saco river in birch canoes, and that way, they foimd
it 90 miles to Pegwagget, an Indian town,^ but by land it is but
60. Upon Saco river, they found many thousand acres of rich
meadow, but there are ten falls, which hinder boats, etc. From
the Indian town, they went up hill (for the most part) about
30 miles in woody lands, then they went about 7 or 8 miles
* La Tour and d'Aulnay, already mentioned as agents under the Chevalier
Rasilly, for superintending the French claim to the eastward. They had quar-
relled, and their English neighbors, as we shall see, were for years much embar-
rassed by them. The Huguenot commentator, Augustin Marlorat (1506-1563),
is the writer alluded to.
^ Pigwacket, or Pequawket, is now Fryeburg, Maine.
86 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
upon shattered rocks, without tree or grass, very steep all the
way. At the top is a plain about 3 or 4 miles over, all shattered
stones, and upon that is another rock or spire, about a mile
in height, and about an acre of ground at the top. At the top
of the plain arise four great rivers, each of them so much water,
at the first issue, as would drive a mill ; Connecticut river from
two heads, at the N. W. and S. W. which join in one about
60 miles off, Saco river on the S. E., Amascoggen which runs
into Casco Bay at the N. E., and Kennebeck, at the N. by E.
The mountain runs E. and W. 30 or 40 miles, but the peak is
above all the rest. They went and returned in 15 days.
8. (October) 18.] All the elders met at Ipswich; they took
into consideration the book which was committed to them by
the general court, and were much different in their judgments
about it, but at length they agreed upon this answer in effect.*
Whereas in the book, there were three propositions laid
down, and then the application of them to the standing council,
and then the arguments enforcing the same: the propositions
were these: —
1. In a commonwealth, rightly and religiously constituted,
there is no power, office, administration, or authority, but such
as are commanded and ordained of God.
2. The powers, offices, and administrations that are or-
dained of God, as aforesaid, being given, dispensed, and erected
in a Christian commonwealth by his good providence, propor-
tioned by his rule to their state and condition, established by
his power against all opposition, carried on and accompanied
with his presence and blessing, ought not to be by them either
changed or altered, but upon such grounds, for such ends,
in that manner, and only so far as the mind of God may be
manifested therein.
3. The mind of God is never manifested concerning the
change or alteration of any civil ordinance, erected or estab-
*The Body of Lawes now comes in to give form and definiteness to the
theocracy.
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 87
lished by him as aforesaid in a Christian commonwealth, so long
as all the cases, counsels, services, and occasions thereof may
be duly and fully ended, ordered, executed, and performed
without any change or alteration of government.
In their answer they allowed the said propositions to be
sound, with this distinction in the 1st. viz. That all lawful
powers are ordained, etc., either expressly or by consequence,
by particular examples or by general rules.
In the applications they distinguished between a standing
council invested with a kind of transcendent authority beyond
other magistrates, or else any kind of standing council distinct
from magistrates ; the former they seem imphcitly to disallow ;
the latter they approve as necessary for us, not disproportiona-
ble to our estate, nor of any dangerous consequence for dis-
union among the magistrates, or factions among the people,
which were the arguments used by the author against our
council. Some passages they wish had been spared, and other
things omitted, which, if suppHed, might have cleared some
passages, which may seem to reflect upon the present councils,
which they do think not to be of that moment, but that the
uprightness of his intentions considered, and the liberty given
for advice, according to the rules of religion, peace, and pru-
dence, they would be passed by.
Lastly, they declare their present thoughts about the mould-
ing and perfecting of a council, in four rules.
1. That all the magistrates, by their calling and oflSce, to-
gether with the care of judicature, are to consult for the provi-
sion, protection, and universal welfare of the commonwealth.
2. Some select men taken out from the assistants, or other
freemen, being called thereunto, be in especial, to attend by
way of council, for the provision, protection, and welfare of the
commonwealth.
3. This council, as counsellors, have no power of judicature.
4. In cases of instant danger to the commonwealth, in the
interim, before a general court can be called, (which were meet
88 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
to be done with all speed,) what shall be consented unto and
concluded by this council, or the major part of them, together
with the consent of the magistrates, or the major part of them,
may stand good and firm till the general com't.
9. (November) 7.] Some of our merchants sent a pinnace to
trade with La Tour in St. John's river. He welcomed them
very kindly, and wrote to our governor letters very gratulatory
for his lieutenant's entertainment, etc., and withal a relation
of the state of the controversy between himself and Monsieur
D'Aulnay. In their return they met with D'Aulnay at Pema-
quid, who wrote also to our governor, and sent him a printed
copy of the arrest* against La Tour, and threatened us, that if
any of our vessels came to La Tour, he would make prize of
them.
22.] The village at the end of Charlestown bounds was
called Woburn, where they had gathered a church, and this
day Mr. Carter was ordained their pastor, with the assistance
of the elders of other churches. Some difference there was
about his ordination; some advised, in regard they had no
elder of their own, nor any members very fit to solemnize such
an ordinance, they would desire some of the elders of the other
churches to have performed it ; but others supposing it might
be an occasion of introducing a dependency of churches, etc.,
and so a presbytery, would not allow it. So it was performed
by one of their own members, but not so well and orderly as
it ought.^
Divers houses were burnt this year, by drying flax. Among
others, one Briscoe, of Watertown, a rich man, a tanner, who
had refused to let his neighbor have leather for com, saying he
had com enough, had his barn, and com, and leather, etc.,
burnt, to the value of 200 pounds.
Mr. Larkam of Northam, ahas Dover, suddenly discovering
* Arret, decree.
^ The ceremony is described with much fulness in a noted passage, book ii.,
ch. 22, of The W onder-W orking Providence of Sion's Saviour in New England,
by Captain Edward Johnson of Woburn, one of the chief participants.
1642] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 89
a purpose to go to England, and fearing to be dissuaded by his
people, gave them his faithful promise not to go, but yet soon
after he got on ship board, and so departed. It was time for
him to be gone, for not long after a widow which kept in his
house, being a very handsome woman, and about 50 years of
age, proved to be with child, and being examined, at first
refused to confess the father, but in the end she laid it to Mr.
Larkam. Upon this the church of Dover looked out for another
elder, and wrote to the elders to desire their help.
There arrived at Boston a small ship from the Madeiras with
wine and sugar, etc., which were presently sold for pipe staves,
and other commodities of the country, which were returned
to the Madeiras: but the merchant himself, one Mr. Parish,
staid divers months after. He had hved at the Madeiras
many years among the priests and Jesuits, who told him, when
he was to come hither, that those of New England were the
worst of all heretics, and that they were the cause of the
troubles in England, and of the pulling down the bishops there.*
When he went away, he blessed God for bringing him hither,
professing that he would not lose what he had gotten in New
England for all the wealth in the world. He went away in
a pinnace built here intending a speedy return. By the way
his pinnace (being calked in the winter) proved very leaky, so
as all the seamen, being tired out with pumping, gave her
over, but Mr. Parish continued the pump, and so kept her up,
till it pleased God they espied land, and so they came safe to
Fayal.
10 (December).] Those of the lower part of the river Pas-
cataquack invited one Mr. James Parker of Weymouth, a godly
man and a scholar, one who had been many years a deputy for
the public court, to be their minister. He, by advice of divers
of the magistrates and elders, accepted the call, and went and
taught among them this winter, and it pleased God to give
* A testimony from foreign parts as to the prevalence in Old England of the
"New England way," during tlxe Civil War,
90 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1642
great success to his labors, so as above 40 of them, whereof
the most had been very profane, and some of them professed
enemies to the way of our churches, wrote to the magistrates
and elders, acknowledging the sinful course they had lived in,
and bewailing the same, and blessing God for calling them out
of it, and earnestly desiring that Mr. Parker might be settled
amongst them. Most of them fell back again in time, em-
bracing this present world.
This winter was the greatest snow we had, since we came
into the country, but it lay not long, and the frost was more
moderate than in some other winters.
1643
12 (February).] News came out of England, by two fishing
ships, of the civil wars there between the king and the parlia-
ment, whereupon the churches kept divers days of humiliation.
But some of the magistrates were not satisfied about the often
reiteration of them for the same cause, but they would not
contend with the elders about it, but left the churches to their
liberty.
1. (March) 5.] At 7 in the morning, being the Lord's day,
there was a great earthquake. It came with a rumbling noise
like the former, but through the Lord's mercy it did no harm.
The churches held a different course in raising the ministers'
maintenance. Some did it by way of taxation, which was very
offensive to some. Amongst others, one Briscoe of Water-
town, who had his barn burnt, as before mentioned, being
grieved with that course in their town, the rather because him-
self and others, who were no members, were taxed, wrote a
book against it, wherein, besides his arguments, which were
naught, he cast reproach upon the elders and officers. This
book he pubhshed underhand, which occasioned much stir in
the town. At length, he and two more were convented before
the court, where he acknowledged his fault in those reproachful
speeches, and in publishing it, whereas it had been his duty to
have acquainted the court or magistrates with his grievance,
etc., (but for the arguments in the point, there was nothing
required of him,) and was fined 10 pounds for that, and some
slighting of the court, and one of the publishers, 40 shillings.
Corn was very scarce all over the country, so as by the end
of the 2d month, many families in most towns had none to eat,
but were forced to live of clams, muscles, cataos, dry fish, etc.,
and sure this came by the just hand of the Lord, to punish
91
92 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1643
our ingratitude and covetousness. For corn being plenty divers
years before, it was so undervalued, as it would not pass for
any commodity: if one offered a shop keeper corn for any
thing, his answer would be, he knew not what to do with it.
So for laborers and artificers ; but now they would have done
any work, or parted with any commodity, for corn. And the
husbandman, he now made his advantage, for he would part
with no corn, for the most part, but for ready money or for
cattle, at such a price as should be 12d. in the bushel more to
him than ready money. And indeed it was a very sad thing
to see how little of a public spirit appeared in the country, but
of self-love too much. Yet there were some here and there,
who were men of another spirit, and were willing to abridge
themselves, that others might be supplied. The immediate
causes of this scarcity were the cold and wet summer, especially
in the time of the first harvest ; also, the pigeons came in such
flocks, (above 10,000 in one flock,) that beat down, and eat
up a very great quantity of all sorts of English grain; much
corn spent in setting out the ships, ketches, etc. ; lastly, there
were such abundance of mice in the barns, that devoured much
there. The mice also did much spoil in orchards, eating off
the bark at the bottom of the fruit trees in the time of the
snow, so as never had been known the like spoil in any former
winter. So many enemies doth the Lord arm against our daily
bread, that we might know we are to eat it in the sweat of our
brows.
1. (March) 30.] The Trial, Mr. Coytmore master, arrived,
and a week after one of the ketches. He sailed first to Fayal,
where he found an extraordinary good market for his pipe
staves and fish. He took wine and sugar, etc., and sailed
thence to Christophers in the West Indies, where he put off
some of his wine for cotton and tobacco, etc., and for iron, which
the islanders had saved of the ships which were there cast away.
He obtained hcense, also, of the governor. Sir Thomas Warner,
to take up what ordnance, anchors, etc., he could, and was to
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 93
have the one half; and by the help of a diving tub, he took
up 50 guns, and anchors, and cables, which he brought home,
and some gold and silver also, which he got by trade, and so,
thi'ough the Lord's blessing, they made a good voyage, which
did much encourage the merchants, and made wine and sugar
and cotton very plentiful, and cheap, in the country.
Two ketches also, which were gone to the West Indies for
cotton, etc., arrived safe not long after, and made return with
profit. Another ship also, called the Increase, sent to the Ma-
deiras, returned safe, and two other ships, after, though they
went among the Turks.
There was a piece of justice executed at New Haven, which,
being the first in that kind, is not unworthy to be recorded. Mr.
Malbon, one of the magistrates there, had a daughter about
[blank] years of age, which was openly whipped, her father
joining in the sentence. The cause was thus.^
The wife of one Onion of Roxbury died in great despair:
she had been a servant there, and was very stubborn and self-
willed. After she was married, she proved very worldly,
aiming at great matters. Her first child was still-born, through
her unruUness and falling into a fever. She fell withal into
great horror and trembling, so as it shooK the room, etc., and
crying out of her torment, and of her stubbornness and impro-
fitableness imder the means, and her lying to her dame in deny-
ing somewhat that in liquorishness she had taken away, and
of her worldliness, saying that she neglected her spiritual good
for a httle worldly trash, and now she must go to everlasting
torments, and exhorted others to take heed of such evils, etc.,
and still crying out 0! ten thousand worlds for one drop of
Christ, etc. After she had then been silent a few hours, she
began to speak again, and being exhorted to consider of God's
infinite mercy, etc., she gave still this answer, "I cannot for my
life," and so died.
1 Winthrop has left a blank space in the manuscript, in which to insert the
explanation, but does not give it,
94 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
The three ministers which were sent to Virginia, viz., Mr.
Tompson, Mr. Knolles, and Mr. James from New Haven, de-
parted (8) {October) 7. and were eleven weeks before they ar-
rived. They lay windbound sometime at Aquiday: then, as
they passed Hellgate between Long Island and the Dutch, their
pinnace was bilged upon the rocks, so as she was near foundered
before they could run on the next shore. The Dutch governor,
gave them slender entertainment; but Mr. Allerton of New
Haven, ^ being there, took great pains and care for them,
and procured them a very good pinnace and all things neces-
sary. So they set sail in the dead of winter, and had much
foul weather, so as with great difficulty and danger they arrived
safe in Virginia. Here they found very loving and liberal
entertainment, and were bestowed in several places, not by the
governor, but by some well disposed people who desired their
company. In their way the difficulties and dangers, which they
were continually exercised with, put them to some question
whether their call were of God or not; but so soon as they
arrived there and had been somewhat refreshed, Mr. Tompson
wrote back, that being a very melancholic man and of a crazy
body, he found his health so repaired, and his spirit so enlarged,
etc., as he had not been in the like condition since he came to
New England. But this was to strengthen him for a greater
trial, for his wife, a godly young woman, and a comfortable
help to him, being left behind with a company of small chil-
dren, was taken away by death, and all his children scattered,
but well disposed of among his godly friends.
4. {June) 20.] Mr. Knolles returned from Virginia, and
brought letters from his congregation and others there to our
elders, which were openly read in Boston at a lecture, whereby
it appeared that God had greatly blessed their ministry there,
so as the people's hearts were much inflamed with desire
after the ordinances, and though the state did silence the
ministers, because they would not conform to the order of
* Isaac Allerton, formerly of Plymouth.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 95
England/ yet the people resorted to them in private houses
to hear them as before.
There fell out hot wars between the Dutch and the Indians
thereabout. The occasion was this. An Indian, being drunk,
had slain an old Dutchman. The Dutch required the murderer,
but he could not be had. The people called often upon the
governor to take revenge, but he still put it off, either for
that he thought it not just, or not safe, etc. It fell out that
the Mowhawks, a people that live upon or near Hudson's
river, either upon their own quarrel, or rather, as the report
went, being set on by the Dutch, came suddenly upon the
Indians near the Dutch and killed about 30 of them, the rest
fled for shelter to the Dutch. One Marine, a Dutch captain,
hearing of it, goeth to the governor,^ and obtains commission of
him to kill so many as he could of them, and accordingly went
with a company of armed men, and setting upon them, fearing
no ill from the Dutch, he slew about 70 or 80 men, women and
children. Upon this the Indians burnt divers of their farm
houses and their cattle in them, and slew all they could meet
with, to the number of 20 or more, of men, women and children,
and pressed so hard upon the Dutch, even home to their fort,
that they were forced to call in the English to their aid, and
entertained Captain Underbill, etc., which Marine, the Dutch
captain, took so ill, seeing the governor to prefer him before
himself, that he presented his pistol at the governor, but was
staid by a stander-by. Then a tenant of Marine discharged
his musket at the governor, but missed him narrowly, where-
upon the sentinel, by the governor's command, shot that
fellow presently dead. His head was set upon the gallows,
and the captain was sent prisoner into Holland. The people,
also, were so offended at the governor for the damage they
now sustained by the Indians, though they were all for war be-
fore, that the governor durst not trust himself among them,
^ By act of assembly, forbidding non-conformist worship.
2 William Kieft.
96 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
but entertained a guard of 50 English about his person, and
the Indians did so annoy them by sudden assaults out of the
swamps, etc., that he was forced to keep a running army to be
ready to oppose them upon all occasions.
The Indians also of Long Island took part with their neigh-
bors upon the main, and as the Dutch took away their com,
etc., so they fell to burning the Dutch houses. But these, by
the mediation of Mr. Williams, who was then there to go in a
Dutch ship for England, were pacified, and peace re-established
between the Dutch and them.^ At length they came to an
accord of peace with the rest of the Indians also.
23.] One John Cook, an honest young man, being in his
master's absence to salute a ship, etc., in the vanity of his mind
thought to make the gun give a great report, and accordingly
said to some, that he would make her speak. Overcharging
her, she brake all into small pieces and scattered round about
some men a flight shot off. Himself was killed, but no hurt
found about him, but only one hand cut off and beaten a good
distance from the place where he .stood. And there appeared
a special providence of God in it, for although there were
many people up and down, yet none was hurt, nor was any
near the gun when she was fired, whereas usually they gather
thither on such occasions.
One of our ships, the Seahridge, arrived with 20 children and
some other passengers out of England, and 300 pounds worth of
goods purchased with the country's stock, given by some friends
in England the year before; and those children, with many
more to come after, were sent by money given one fast day in
London, and allowed by the parliament and city for that purpose.
The house of commons also made an order in our favor,
which was sent us under the hand of H. Elsynge, Cler. Pari.
D. C to this effect, viz. Veneris' 10 Martii 1642.
* A characteristic service from Roger Williams.
^ Clericus Parliamenti Domus Communis, i, e,, clerk of the House of Commons.
' /. e., Die Veneris, or Friday, March 10, 1642/3.
1G43] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 97
Whereas the plantations in New England have, by the blessing of
Almighty God, had good and prosperous success without any charge
to this state, and are now likely to prove very happy for the propagation
of the gospel in those parts, and very beneficial and commodious for this
kingdom and nation, the commons now assembled in parliament do, for
the better advancement of these plantations and encouragement of the
planters, etc., ordain that all merchandizes, goods exported, etc., into
New England to be spent, used or employed there, or being of the growth
of that country, shall be imported hither, or put aboard to be spent, etc.,
in the voyage going or returning, and all and every the owners thereof, be
free of all custom, etc., in England and New England, and all other ports,
until this house shall take further order. This to be observed and al-
lowed by all officers and persons whatsoever upon showing forth of this
order, signed by the said clerk, without any other warrant.
Our general court, upon receipt of this order, caused the
same, with our humble and thankful acknowledgment of so
great a favor from that honorable assembly, to be entered ver-
batim among our records, in perpetuam rei memoriam.
One Richard [blank,] servant to one [bla7ik] Williams of
Dorchester, being come out of service, fell to work at his own
hand and took great wages above others, and would not
work but for ready money. By this means in a year, or little
more, he had scraped together about 25 pounds, and then
returned with his prey into England, speaking evil of the coun-
try by the way. He was not gone far, after his arrival, but the
cavaliers met him and eased liim of his money ; so he knew no
better way but to return to New England again, to repair his
loss in that place which he had so much disparaged.
Mo. 3. (May) 10.] Our court of elections was held, when
Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, pastor of the church in Rowley, preached.
He was called to it by a company of freemen, whereof the most
were deputies chosen for the court, appointed, by order of the
last court, to meet at Salem about nomination of some to be
put to the vote for the new magistrates. Mr. Rogers, hearing
what exception was taken to this call, as unwarrantable, wrote
to the governor for advice, etc., who returned him answer:
98 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
That he did account his calling not to be sufficient, yet the
magistrates were not minded to strive with the deputies about
it, but seeing it was noised in the country, and the people
would expect him, and that he had advised with the magis-
trates about it, he wished him to go on. In his sermon he de-
scribed how the man ought to be quaUfied whom they should
choose for their governor, yet dissuaded them earnestly from
choosing the same man twice together, and expressed his dis-
like of that with such vehemency as gave offence. But when
it came to trial, the former governor, Mr. Winthrop, was chosen
again, and two new magistrates, Mr. Wilham Hibbins and Mr.
Samuel Simons.
At this court came the commissioners from Plymouth, Con-
necticut and New Haven, viz., from Plymouth Mr. Edward
Winslow and Mr. Collier, from Connecticut Mr. Haynes and
Mr. Hopkins, with whom Mr. Fen wick of Saybrook joined,
from New Haven Mr. Theophilus Eaton and Mr. Grigson.
Our court chose a committee to treat with them, viz., the gov-
ernor and Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Bradstreet, being of the mag-
istrates; and of the deputies. Captain Gibbons, Mr. Tyng
the treasurer, and Mr. Hathom.^ These coming to consul-
tation encountered some difficulties, but being all desirous
of union and studious of peace, they readily jdelded each to
other in such things as tended to common utility, etc., so as in
some two or three meetings they lovingly accorded upon these
ensuing articles, which, being allowed by our court, and signed
by all the commissioners, were sent to be also ratified by the
general courts of other jurisdictions; only Plymouth commis-
sioners, having power only to treat, but not to determine, de-
* The men mentioned in this entry were of the highest repute in their respective
colonies, as was proper, since the business in hand was as grave as any in which
New Englanders were ever concerned. Thomas Grigson and William Tyng are
the only ones not heretofore described. The former was perhaps, next to Theo-
philus Eaton, the chief citizen of New Haven, where he was treasurer. The
latter filled the same office in Massachusetts, was one of the richest men in the
community, and though not a magistrate, was for eight successive terms a deputy.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 99
ferred the signing of them till they came home, but soon after
they were ratified by their general court also.*
Those of Sir Ferdinando Gorge his province, beyond
Pascataquack, were not received nor called into the con-
federation, because they ran a different course from us both
in their ministry and civil administration; for they had
lately made Acomenticus (a poor village) a corporation, and
had made a taylor their mayor, and had entertained one Hull,
an excommunicated person and very contentious, for their
minister.
At this court of elections there arose a scruple about the oath
which the governor and the rest of the magistrates were to
take, viz., about the first part of it : ''You shall bear true faith
and allegiance to our sovereign Lord King Charles," seeing he
had violated the privileges of parliament, and made war upon
them, and thereby had lost much of his kingdom and many of
his subjects; whereupon it was thought fit to omit that part of
it for the present.
About this time two plantations began to be settled upon
Merrimack, Pentuckett called Haverill, and Cochichawick
called Andover.
* No event of our early history is more significant than the confederation of
the four colonies, Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven, a
distinct foreshadowing of the great American Union. Its importance has been
emphasized by all our historians. The league, a precedent for which was the
federation of the states of the Netherlands, was initiated by Connecticut and
New Haven, which, more exposed to pressure than their brethren farther east, the
Dutch on the Hudson elbowing sharply and the most formidable savages being
close at hand, sought support from their friends longer established. It must be
carefully noted that not all the English were included. The enterprises of Sir
Ferdinando Gorges were, as always, looked upon askance for reasons which
Winthrop assigns, as were also the undertakings at Providence and Aquidneck.
The independent spirit which breathes through the document is unmistakable, and
has been referred to by both liberal and tory historians, the one side approving,
the other condemning. About this time, says Palfrey (I. 633), the English
Parliament appoints a commission for colonial government, the terms used im-
plying an understanding quite different from that of the colonists: in fact the
Parliament of 1643 was disposed to be scarcely less arbitrary than the King, or
the later Parliament of George III.
100 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
The articles of confederation between the plantations under
the government of the Massachusetts, the plantations under
the government of New Plymouth, the plantations under the
government of Connecticut and the government of New Haven,
with the plantations in combination therewith:
Whereas we all came into these parts of America with one and the
same end and aim, namely, to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity with peace: and
whereas by our settling, by the wise providence of God, we are further
dispersed upon the seacoasts and rivers than was at first intended, so that
we cannot, according to our desire, with convenience communicate in
one government and jurisdiction: and whereas we live encompassed with
people of several nations and strange languages, which hereafter may
prove injurious to us or our posterity; and for as much as the natives have
formerly committed sundry insolences and outrages upon several planta-
tions of the English, and have of late combined themselves against us,
and seeing by reason of the sad distractions in England, (which they have
heard of,) and by which they know we are hindered both from that
humble way of seeking advice, and reaping those comfortable fruits of
protection, which at other times we might well expect; we therefore do
conceive it our bounden duty, without delay, to enter into a present
consociation amongst ourselves for'mutual help and strength in all future
concernment, that, as in nation and religion, so in other respects, we be
and continue one, according to the tenor and true meaning of the ensuing
articles, —
L Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded between the parties
above named, and they jointly and severally do, by these presents, agree
and conclude that they all be, and henceforth be called by the name
of the United Colonies of New England.
2. These united colonies, for themselves and their posterities, do
jointly and severally hereby enter into a firm and perpetual league of
friendship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual advice and succor
upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and
liberties of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare.
3. It is further agreed, that the plantations which at present are,
or hereafter shall be settled within the limits of the Massachusetts, shall
be forever under the government of the Massachusetts, and shall have
peculiar jurisdiction amongst themselves in all cases as an entire body;
and that Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, shall each of them
2
j0 %^' III ^
s4
.//.
j/»^* ,/ // «Jiil^J Ij- „^ ^iTJ^ ^ gf fofuXtOn //f"' ^»T »»-JJf^ife/i<»«/ •^^ h^ST^^^ /^^.0.» /"p"^^ 3
• »nAfK,p ^Ann/v .muiv0 'aiit.i^ lUlt&r- itn,^ .ip .-..ll ..../ ^1 A^t/' ^ i. . . :. - C ^ ../_..- //
•«^ /W»^ t«Ar ;'«^A 'i.ViwJ^ ^/f^^r
0)
THK FIRST PAGE OF THE "ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATIOxN '
From the manuscript in the Connecticut State House
102 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
exceeding the number hereby agreed, they may crave help thence, and
seek no further for the present; the charge to be borne as in this article
is expressed, and at their return to be victualled, and supplied with powder
and shot, if there be need, for their journey, by that jurisdiction which
employed or sent for them; but none of the jurisdictions to exceed these
numbers till by a meeting of the commissioners for this confederation a
greater aid appear necessary; and this proportion to continue till upon
knowledge of the numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought
to the next meeting, some other proportion be ordered. But in any such
case of sending men for present aid, whether before or after such order
or alteration, it is agreed that at the meeting of the commissioners for
this confederation, the cause of such war or invasion be duly considered,
and if it appear that the fault lay in the party invaded, that then that
jurisdiction or plantation make just satisfaction both to the invaders
whom they have injured, and bear all the charge of the war themselves
without requiring any allowance from the rest of the confederates towards
the same. And further, that if any jurisdiction see any danger of an
invasion approaching, and there be time for a meeting, that in such case
three magistrates of that jurisdiction may summons a meeting at such
convenient place as themselves shall think meet, to consider and provide
against the threatened danger; provided when they are met, they may
remove to what place they please: only while any of these four confed-
erates have but three magistrates in their jurisdiction, a request or sum-
mons from any two of them shall be accounted of equal force with the
three mentioned in both the clauses of this article, till there may be an
increase of magistrates there.
6. It is also agreed, that for the managing and concluding of all
affairs peculiar to and concerning the whole confederation, commissioners
shall be chosen by and out of each of these four jurisdictions, viz., two
for the Massachusetts, two for Plymouth, two for Connecticut, and two
for New Haven, all in church fellowship with us, which shall bring full
power from their several general courts respectively, to hear, examine,
weigh, and determine all affairs of war or peace, leagues, aids, charges,
and numbers of men for war, division of spoils, or whatever is gotten by
conquest; receiving of more confederates or plantations into the combina-
tion with any of these confederates, and all things of like nature which
are the proper concomitants or consequents of such a confederation for
amity, offence and defence, not intermeddling with the government of
any of the jurisdictions, which by the 3d article is preserved entirely to
themselves. But if those eight commissioners, when they meet, shall not
agree, yet it is concluded that any six of the eight, agreeing, shall have
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 103
power to settle and determine the business in question; but if six do not
agree, that then such propositions, with their reasons, so far as they have
been debated, be sent and referred to the four general courts, viz., the
Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven: and if at all
the said general courts the business so referred be concluded, then to be
prosecuted by the confederation and all their members. It is further
agreed, that these eight commissioners shall meet once every year (besides
extraordinary meetings according to the 5th article) to consider, treat,
and conclude of all affairs belonging to this confederation, which meeting
shall ever be the first Thursday in 7ber. (September), and that the next
meeting after the date of these presents (which shall be accounted the
second meeting) shall be at Boston in the Massachusetts, the third at
Hartford, the fourth at New Haven, the fifth at Plymouth, the sixth and
seventh at Boston, and so in course successively, if in the meantime some
middle place be not found out and agreed upon, which may be com-
modious for all the jurisdictions.
7. It is further agreed, that at each meeting of these eight commis-
sioners, whether ordinary or extraordinary, they all, or any six of them
agreeing as before, may choose their president out of themselves, whose
office and work shall be to take care and direct for order and a comely
carrying on of all proceedings in their present meeting, but he shall be
invested with no such power or respect, as by which he shall hinder the
propounding or progress of any business, or any way cast the scales
otherwise than in the preceding articles is agreed.
8. It is also agreed, that the commissioners for this confederation
hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinary, as they
may have commission or opportunity, do endeavor to frame and establish
agreements and orders in general cases of a civil nature wherein all the
plantations are interested for preserving peace amongst themselves, and
preventing, as much as may be, all occasions of war or differences with
others, as about free and speedy passage of justice in each jurisdiction to
all the confederates equally, as to their own, receiving those that remove
from one plantation to another without due certificates, how all the
jurisdictions may carry it towards the Indians, that they neither grow
insolent nor be injured without due satisfaction, lest war break in upon
the confederates through miscarriages. It is also agreed, that if any
servant run away from his master into any of these confederate jurisdic-
tions, that in such case, upon certificate of one magistrate in the juris-
diction out of which the said servant fled, or upon other due proof, the
said servant shall be delivered either to his master or any other that
pursues and brings such certificate or proof: And that upon the escape
104 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1643
of any prisoner or fugitive for any criminal cause, whether breaking
prison or getting from the officer, or otherwise escaping, upon the certi-
ficate of two magistrates of the jurisdiction out of which the escape is
made, that he was a prisoner or such an offender at the time of the
escape, the magistrate, or some of them of the jurisdiction where for the
present the said prisoner or fugitive abideth, shall forthwith grant such
a warrant as the case will bear, for the apprehending of any such person
and the delivery of him into the hand of the officer or other person who
pursueth him; and if there be help required for the safe returning of
any such offender, then it shall be granted unto him that craves the same,
he paying the charges thereof.^
9. And for that the justest wars may be of dangerous consequence,
especially to the smaller plantations in these united colonies, it is agreed,
that neither the Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, nor New Haven,
nor any of the members of any of them, shall at any time hereafter begin,
undertake, or engage themselves or this confederation, or any part thereof,
in any war whatsoever, (sudden exigencies with the necessary conse-
quences thereof excepted, which are also to be moderated as much as
the case will permit,) without the consent and agreement of the afore-
named eight commissioners, or at least six of them, as in the 6th article
is provided; and that no charge be required of any of the confederates,
in case of a defensive war, till the said commissioners have met and ap-
proved the justice of the war, and have agreed upon the sum of money to
be levied, which sum is then to be paid by the several confederates in pro-
portion according to the 4th article.
10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are summoned
by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or two, as in the 5th article, if
any of the commissioners come not, due warning being given or sent, it is
agreed that four of the commissioners shall have power to direct a war
which cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of
each jurisdiction, as well as six might do if all met; but not less than six
shall determine the justice of the war, or allow the demands or bills of
charges, or cause any levies to be made for the same.
11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederates shall hereafter
break any of these present articles, or be otherway injurious to any one
of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agreement or injury shall be
duly considered and ordered by the commissioners for the other jurisdic-
^ A rather curious forecast of the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution,
the indentured servants, as often appears, being scarcely less in bondage than
African slaves.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 105
tions, that both peace, and this present confederation may be entirely
preserved without violation.*
12. Lastly, this perpetual confederation, and the several articles
and agreements thereof being read and seriously considered both by the
general court for the Massachusetts and the commissioners for the other
three, were subscribed presently by the commissioners, all save those of
Plymouth, who, for want of sufficient commission from their general
court, deferred their subscription till the next meeting, and then they
subscribed also, and were to be allowed by the general courts of the several
jurisdictions, which accordingly was done, and certified at the next meet-
ing held at Boston, (7) (September) 7, 1643.
Boston, (3) 29,2 1643.
4. (June) 12.] Mr. La Tour arrived here in a ship of 140
tons, and 140 persons. The ship came from Rochelle, the
master and his company were Protestants. There were two
friars and two women sent to wait upon La Tour his lady.
They came in with a fair wind, without any notice taken of
them. They took a pilot out of one of our boats at sea, and
left one of their men in his place. Capt. Gibbons' wife and
children passed by the ship as they were going to their farm,
but being discovered to La Tour by one of his gentlemen who
knew her, La Tour manned out a shallop, which he towed
after him to go speak with her. She seeing such a company
of strangers making towards her, hastened to get from them,
and landed at the governor's garden. La Tour landed pre-
sently after her, and there found the governor and his wife,
and two of his sons, and his son's wife, and after mutual salu-
tations he told the governor the cause of his coming, viz. that
this ship being sent him out of France, D'Aulnay, his old
* Plainly in these articles no secession at will of any of the contracting parties
was allowable.
2 The date is clear in the manuscript, but Savage believes there is reason
for making it May 19, as in the Plymouth Records, instead of 29. Three years
later (1856) the publication of Bradford's History confirmed his view. The
text, with some differences, especially in the ending, may be seen in Bradford, pp.
382-388, of the edition in the present series; also in the Plymouth Records, Vol.
IX., Colonial Records of Connecticut, Vol. III., and Old South Leaflets, no. 169.
106 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
enemy, had so blocked up the river to his fort at St. John's,
with two ships and a galliot, as his ship could not get in,
whereupon he stole by in the night in his shallop, and was
come to crave aid to convey him into his fort. The governor
answered that he could say nothing to it till he had conferred
with other of the magistrates; so after supper he went with
him to Boston in La Tour's boat, having sent his own boat to
Boston to carry home Mrs. Gibbons. Divers boats, having
passed by him, had given notice hereof to Boston and Charles-
town, his ship also arriving before Boston, the towns betook
them to their arms, and three shallops with armed men came
forth to meet the governor and to guard him home. But here
the Lord gave us occasion to take notice of our weakness, etc.,
for if La Tour had been ill minded towards us, he had such an
opportunity as we hope neither he nor any other shall ever have
the like again ; for coming by our castle and saluting it, there
was none to answer him, for the last court had given order to
have the castle-Island deserted, a great part of the work being
fallen down, etc., so as he might have taken all the ordnance
there. Then, having the governor and his family, and Captain
Gibbons' wife, etc., in his power, he might have gone and
spoiled Boston, and having so many men ready, they might
have taken two ships in the harbor, and gone away without
danger or resistance, but his neglecting this opportunity gave
us assurance of his true meaning. So being landed at Boston,
the governor, with a sufficient guard, brought him to his lodg-
ing at Captain Gibbons'. This gave further assurance that he
intended us no evil, because he voluntarily put his person in
our power. The next day the governor called together such
of the magistrates as were at hand, and some of the deputies,
and propounding the cause to them, and La Tour being present,
and the captain of his ship, etc., he showed his commission,
which was fairly engrossed in parchment under the hand and
seal of the Vice Admiral of France, and grand prior, etc., to
bring supply to La Tour, whom he styled his majesty's heu-
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 107
tenant general of L'Acadye, and also a letter from the agent of
the company of France to whom he hath reference, informing
him of the injurious practices of D'Aulnay against him, and
advising him to look to himself, etc., and superscribed to him
as Heutenant general, etc. Upon this it appeared to us, (that
being dated in April last,) that notwithstanding the news
which D'Aulnay had sent to our governor the last year,
whereby La Tour was proclaimed a rebel, etc., yet he stood
in good terms with the state of France, and also with the
company. Whereupon, though we could not grant him aid
without advice of the other commissioners of our confederacy,
yet we thought it not fit nor just to hinder any that would be
willing to be hired to aid him; and accordingly we answered
him that we would allow him a free mercate,^ that he might
hire any ships which lay in our harbor, etc. This answer he
was very well satisfied with and took very thankfully; he
also desired leave to land his men, that they might refresh
themselves, which was granted him, so they landed in small
companies, that our women, etc., might not be affrighted by
them. This direction was duly observed.
But the training day at Boston falling out the next week,
and La Tour having requested that he might be permitted to
exercise his soldiers on shore, we expected him that day, so he
landed 40 men in their arms, (they were all shot).' They were
brought into the field by our train band, consisting of 150, and
in the forenoon they only beheld our men exercise. When
they had dined, (La Tour and his officers with our officers, and
his soldiers invited home by the private soldiers,) in the after-
noon they were permitted to exercise, (our governor and other
of the magistrates coming then into the field,) and all ours stood
and beheld them. They were very expert in all their postures
and motions.
When it was near night. La Tour desired our governor
that his men might have leave to depart, which being granted,
* Market. ^ They were all muskets.
108 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
his captain acquainted our captain therewith, so he drew our
men into a march, and the French fell into the middle. When
they were to depart, they gave a volley of shot and went to
their boat, the French showing much admiration to see so
many men of one town so well armed and disciplined, La Tour
professing he could not have believed it, if he had not seen it.
Our governor and others in the town entertained La Tour
and his gentlemen with much courtesy, both in their houses
and at table. La Tour came duly to our church meetings, and
always accompanied the governor to and from thence, who all
the time of his abode here was attended with a good guard of
halberts and musketeers. Those who engrossed the ships,
understanding his distress, and the justice of his cause, and
the magistrates' permission, were willing to be entertained by
him.^
But the rumor of these things soon spreading through the
country, were diversely apprehended, not only by the common
sort, but also by the elders, whereof some in their sermons spoke
against their entertainment, and the aid permitted them; others
* The visit of La Tour to Boston is a picturesque episode. At this moment
France was on the brink of becoming involved in the EngHsh Civil War. In the
summer of 1643, the cause of Parliament, with which New England sympathized,
was much depressed, while the King's party, most zealous in which was Queen
Henrietta Maria, a French Catholic princess, seemed likely to triumph. France
was on the point of taking active part with the Cavaliers. When therefore La
Tour suddenly appeared in the harbor of the little town in a ship well armed
and manned, great caution in dealing with him was necessary. The fact that the
ship's captain and part of the crew were Huguenots from Rochelle seemed to
justify a policy of forbearance, as these were on good terms with La Tour. It was
a portentous sight indeed when a company of French soldiers, fully armed and
drilled, manoeuvred on the training field. Dropping their muskets, and drawing
their swords, they made a rapid charge, described, Savage says, in a note attached
to the manuscript (burned in 1825). The more timorous feared this might be in
earnest. La Tour's audacious visit was a bold bid for support from the Puritans
against his rival d'Aulnay. He might easily have carried off the governor and
burned the unprepared settlement, but his disposition was friendly, and he with-
drew leaving Boston quite dazed over the transaction. The controversy as to
whether the heads had done wisely or foolishly is preserved in the prolix pages
of labored argument fortified pro and con by far-fetched Biblical precedents,
which follow the narrative of La Tour's visit.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 109
spake in the justification of both. One [blank,] a judicious
minister, hearing that leave was granted them to exercise their
men in Boston, out of his fear of popish leagues and care of
our safety, spake as in way of prediction, that, before that day
were ended, store of blood would be spilled in Boston. Divers
also wrote to the governor, laying before him great dangers,
others charging sin upon the conscience in all these proceed-
ings; so as he was forced to write and publish the true state
of the cause, and the reasons of all their proceedings, which
satisfied many, but not all. Also, the masters and others, who
were to go in the ships, desired advice about their proceedings,
etc. whereupon the governor appointed another meeting, to
which all the near magistrates and deputies, and the elders
also were called, and there the matter was debated upon these
heads.
1. Whether it were lawful for Christians to aid idolaters, and
how far we may hold communion with them?
2. Whether it were safe for our state to suffer him to have
aid from us against D'Aulnay?
To the first question, the arguments on the negative part
were these. 1. Jehoshaphat is reproved for the like — ^wouldst
thou help the wicked? The answer to this was, first, this must
be meant only in such case as that was, not simply according
to the words of that one sentence taken apart from the rest,
for otherwise it would be unlawful to help any wicked man,
though a professed Protestant, and though our own country-
man, father, brother, etc., and that in any case, though ready
to be drowned, slain, famished, etc., second, Jehoshaphat aided
him in a brotherly league of amity and affinity : I am as thou
art, my people as thy people, etc. 2. Ahab was declared a
wicked man by God, and denounced to destruction. Answer.
Ahab was in no distress, and so needed no aid.
2. Argument. Jehoshaphat joining after with Ahazia in
making ships, is reproved, etc. Answer. There is difference
between helping a man in distress, which is a duty imposed,
110 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1643
and joining in a course of merchandise where the action is
voluntary; and it appears by this their joining, that the league
of amity continued between the two kingdoms.
3. Argument. Josias did evil in aiding the king of Babylon
against Pharaoh Necho. Answer 1. The king of Babylon
was in no distress, nor did desire his help, nor is it said he
intended his aid. 2. Josias, no doubt, did not break any known
general rule, being so strict an observer of all God's command-
ments; for it was not lawful for him to stop Pharaoh's army
from going through his country, but his sin was, that either he
did not believe the message of God by Pharaoh in that parti-
cular case, or did not inquire further about it from his own
prophets, and so it is expressed in that story.
4. Argument. Amaziah, king of Judah, is reproved for
hiring an army out of Israel, because God was near with Israel.
Answer. This is not to the question, which is of giving aid,
and not of hiring aid from others, nor was Amaziah in any
distress, but only sought to enlarge his dominion.
5. Argument. By aiding papists, we advance and strengthen
popery. Answer 1. We are not to omit things necessary and
lawful for a doubtful ill consequence, which is but accidental.
2. Such aid may as well work to the weakening of popery
by winning some of them to the love of the truth, as hath
sometimes fallen out, and .sometimes by strengthening one
part of them against another, they may both be the more
weakened in the end.
For the 2d question, whether it be safe, etc., the arguments
on the negative part were these.
1. Papists are not to be trusted, seeing it is one of their
tenets that they are not to keep promise with heretics. An-
swer. In this case we rely not upon their faith but their inter-
est, it being for their advantage to hold in with us, we may
safely trust them; besides, we shall not need to hazard our-
selves upon their fidelity, having sufficient strength to secure
ourselves.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 111
2. We may provoke the state of France against us, or at
least D'Aulnay, and so be brought into another war. Answer.
It appears by the commission and letter before-mentioned, that
La Tour stands in good terms with the state of France and
the company, etc. It is usual in all states in Europe to suffer
aid to be hired against their confederates, without any breach
of the peace, as by the states of Holland against the Spaniards,
and by both out of England, without any breach of the peace,
or offence to either. As for D'Aubiay, he hath carried himself
so, as we could look for no other but ill measures from him,
if he were able, though we should not permit La Tour to have
help from us, for he hath taken Penobscott from us with our
goods to a .great value. He made prize of our men and goods
also at Isle Sable, and kept our men as slaves a good space,
but never made satisfaction for our goods; likewise he enter-
tained our servants which ran from us, and refuseth to return
them, being demanded; he also fumisheth the Indians about
us with guns and powder; and lastly, he wrote last year to
our governor, forbidding our vessels to pass beyond his fort
in the open sea, and threatening to make prize if he should
meet, etc., and if the worst should happen that can be feared,
yet if our way be lawful, and we innocent from wrong, etc., we
may .and must trust God with our safety so long as we serve
his providence in the use of such means as he affords us.
3. Argument. Solomon tells us, that he that meddleth with
a strife which belongs not to him, takes a dog by the ear, which
is very dangerous. Answer. This is a strife which doth belong
to us, both in respect of La Tour seeking aid of us in his dis-
tress, and also in respect it so much concerns us to have
D'Aulnay subdued or weakened: and it were not wisdom in
us to stop the course of providence, which offers to do that for
us without our charge, wliich we are like otherwise to be
forced to undertake at our own charge.
4. It is not safe to permit this aid to go from us, especially
without advice of the general court, lest it should miscarry,
112 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1643
and so prove a dishonor and weakening to us. Answer 1. For
the general court, it could not have been assembled under
fourteen days, and such delay, besides the necessary charge
it would have put La Tour unto, and ourselves also by the
strong watches we were forced to keep, it might have lost
the opportunity of relieving him, or it might have put him
upon some dangerous design of surprising our ships, etc. Be-
sides, if the court had been assembled, we knew they would not
have given him aid without consent of the commissioners of
the other colonies, and for a bare permission, we might do it
without the court; and to have deferred this needlessly, had
been against that rule : say not to thy neighbor, go and come
again, and to-morrow I will give thee, when there is power in
thine hands to do it. As for the danger of miscarriage, it is
not so much as in other our voyages to Spain or England, or,
etc., and if the rule be safe that we walk by, the success cannot
alter it.
5. We hear only one party, we should as well hear the other,
otherwise we deal not judicially, and perhaps may aid a man
in an imjust quarrel. Answer L We heard formerly D'Aul-
nay's allegations against La Tour, and notwithstanding all
that. La Tour his cause appears just; for they being both the
subjects of the same prince, the sliip coming by permission from
their prince's authority, D'Aulnay ought to permit him to enter
peaceably. 2. Our men that go will first offer parley with
D'Auhiay, and if La Tour his cause be unjust, they are not to
offend the others. 3. La Tom- being now in desperate distress,
he is first to be succoured, before the cause be further inquired
into, according to the example of Abraham, who, hearing of the
distress of his kinsman Lot, staid not till he might send to
Chedorlaomer to have his answer about the justice of his cause;
yet there was strong presumption that his cause was just, and
that Lot and all the rest were lawful prisoners, for they had
been twelve years his subjects and were in rebellion at this
time, but he stays not to inquire out the cause, the distress not
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 113
permitting it, but goes personally to rescue them: As put
case — an Englishman or Spaniard should be driven into our
harbor by a pirate, and should come and inform us so, and
desire us to let him have aid to convey him safe to sea, might
we not lawfully send out aid with him, before he had sent to
the pirate to understand the cause ; it would be time enough
to demand that, when our aid came up with him. So if om-
neighboring Indians should send to us to desire aid against
some other Indians who were coming to destroy them, should
we first send to the other Indians to inquire the justice of the
cause? No, but we should first send to save them, and after
examine the cause.
The arguments on the affirmative part are many of them
touched in the former answers to the arguments on the other
part. The rest are these.
1. By the royal law, thou shalt love thy neighbor as thy-
self. If our neighbor be in distress, we ought to help him with-
out any respect to religion or other quality ; but an idolater in
distress is our neighbor, as appears by that parable, Luke 10,
where it is plainly concluded, that the Samaritan was neighbor
to the distressed traveller, and our Saviour bids the lawyer,
being a Jew, to do likewise, that is, even to a Samaritan, if in
distress; and by the law of relations the distressed Jew was
neighbor to the Samaritan, and the Samaritan in distress should
have been so to him, though as opposite in religion as Protes-
tants and papists. If such an one be not our neighbor, then
we have no relation to him by any command of the second
table, for that requires us to love our neighbor only, and then
we may deceive, beat, and otherwise dananify him, and not
sin, etc.
2. Argument out of Gal. 6. 10. Do good to all, but specially
to the household of faith, by which it appears that under all, he
includes such as were not believers, and those were heathen
idolaters, and if we must do good to such, we must help them
in distress.
114 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
3. We are exhorted to be like our Heavenly Father in doing
good to the just and unjust, that is to all, as occasion is offered,
even such as he causeth the sun to shine upon, and the rain to
fall upon, though excommunicated persons, blasphemers, and
persecutors, yet if they be in distress, we are to do them good,
and therefore to relieve them.
4. We may hold some kind of communion with idolaters, as
1. We may have peace with them; 2. Commerce: Ezek. 27.
17. speaking of Tyrus, who were idolaters, he sayeth, Judah
were thy merchants in wheat, etc., and the Jews were not for-
bidden to trade with the heathen in Nehemiah's time, so it were
not on the Sabbath. 3. In eating and drinking and such Uke
famihar converse: 1. Cor. 10. if an heathen invite a Christian
to his table, he might go, etc., and so he might as well invite
such to his table, as Solomon did the queen of Sheba, and the
ambassadors of other princes round about him, who would not
have resorted to him as they did, if he had not entertained
them courteously; and he both received presents and gave
presents to the queen of Sheba, and others who were then
idolaters — and Neh. 5. 17. he sayeth, that with the Jews there
were also at his table usually such of the heathen as came to
him: so that it was not then (nor indeed at all by the law)
unlawful for the Jews to eat with heathen, though the Pharisees
made it unlawful by their tradition.
The fourth and last kind of communion is succor in distress.
To the second question, the arguments on the affirmative
part were these, with others expressed before in the answers.
1. D'Aulnay is a dangerous neighbor to us; if he have none
to oppose him, or to keep him employed at home, he will cer-
tainly be dealing with us, but if La Tour be not now helpen,
he is undone, his fort, with his wife, children, and servants, will
all be taken, he hath no place to go unto — this ship cannot
carry back him and all his company to France, but will leave
them on shore here, and how safe it will be for us to keep them
is doubtful, but to let them go will be more dangerous, for they
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 115
must then go to D'Aulnay, and that will strengthen him greatly
both by their number, and still also by their present knowledge
of our state and place, which, in regard of our own safety, lays
a necessity upon us of aiding La Tour, and aiding him so as
he may subsist, and be able to make good his place against his
enemy.
2. La Tour being in urgent distress, and therefore as our
neighbor to be reheved, if it be well done of us, we may trust
in God, and not be afraid of any terror, 1 Peter, 3. 6.
3. It will be no wisdom for D'Auhiay to begin with us, for
he knows how much stronger we are than he, in men and
shipping; and some experience we have had hereof, in that
when our friends of Plymouth hired a ship in our harbor, and
therewith went and battered his house at Penobscott, yet he
took no occasion thereby against us, nor ever attempted any
thing against them, though their trading house at Kennebeck
be an hindrance to him, and easy for him to take at his pleasure.
There were other instances brought to the lawfulness, both
in Joshua his aiding the Gibeonites, who were Canaanites, and
had deluded him, and he might hereupon have left them to be
spoiled by their neighbors. So when Jehoshaphat aided Jeho-
rim against Moab, (for he had put away Baal,) EUsha speaks
honorably to him and doth not reprove him, but for his pres-
ence sake saves their house by miracle, etc.
The like rumore and fears were raised upon our first expedi-
tion against the Pequods, 1636. The governor of Plymouth
wrote to Mr. Winthrop, then deputy governor, in dislike of our
attempt, and in apprehension of the great danger we had
incurred, that we had provoked the Pequods, and no more,
and had thereby occasioned a war, etc. But we found,through
the Lord's special mercy, that that provocation and war proved
a blessing to all the English. Our brethren of Connecticut
wrote also to us, declaring their fears, and the danger we had
cast them into by warring upon the Pequods, etc. And indeed
we committed an error, in that we did not first give them
116 "WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1643
notice of our intention, that they might take the more care
of their own safety, but they could not be ignorant of our
preparations.
The governor by letters informed the rest of the commis-
sioners of the united colonies of what had passed about La
Tour; but the reason why he did not defer him at first for his
answer, till some more of the magistrates and deputies might
have been assembled, and the elders likewise consulted with,
was this. Conceiving that he stood still under the same sen-
tence of the arrest from the state of France, there would have
been no need of advice in the case, for we must have given
him the same answer we gave his heutenant the last year, and
upon the same ground, viz. That however he might trade here
for such commodities as he stood in need of, yet he could ex-
pect no aid from us, for it would not be fit nor safe for us to
do that which might justly provoke the state of France against
us. But being met, and seeing the commission from the vice
admiral, etc., that occasion of danger being removed, we doubt-
ed not but we might safely give him such answer as we did,
without further trouble to the country or delay to him. See
more of this [blank] leaves after.
The sow business not being yet digested in the country,*
many of the elders being yet unsatisfied, and the more by rea-
son of a new case stated by some of the plaintiff's side and
delivered to the elders, wherein they dealt very partially, for
they drew out all the evidence which made for the plaintiff, and
thereupon framed their conclusion without mentioning any of
the defendant's evidence. This being dehvered to the elders,
and by them imparted to some of the other side, an answer
was presently drawn, which occasioned the elders to take a
view of all the evidence on both parties, and a meeting being
procured both of magistrates and elders (near all in the juris-
^ For the " sow business," see p. 64. Palfrey well describes how through
this dispute over a trifling matter the bicanaeral feature became established in
the New England legislatures.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 117
diction) and some of the deputies, the elders there declared,
that notwithstanding their former opinions, yet, upon examina-
tion of all the testimonies, they found such contrariety and
crossing of testimonies, as they did not see any ground for the
court to proceed to judgment in the case, and therefore earnest-
ly desired that the court might never be more troubled with it.
To this all consented except Mr. Bellingham who still main-
tained his former opinion, and would have the magistrates
lay down their negative voice, and so the cause to be heard
again. This stiffness of his and singularity in opinion was very
impleasing to all the company, but they went on notwithstand-
ing, and because a principal end of the meeting was to recon-
cile differences and take away offences, which were risen
between some of the magistrates by occasion of this sow busi-
ness and the treatise of Mr. Saltonstall against the council,
so as Mr. Bellingham and he stood divided from the rest,
which occasioned much opposition even in open court, and
much partaking in the country, but by the wisdom and faith-
fulness of the elders Mr. Saltonstall was brought to see his
faihngs in that treatise, which he did ingenuously acknowledge
and bewail, and so he was reconciled with the rest of the mag-
istrates. They labored also to make a perfect reconciliation
between the governor and Mr. Bellingham. The governor
offered himself ready to it, but the other was not foi-ward,
whereby it rested in a manner as it was. Mr. Dudley also had
let fall a speech in the court to Mr. Rogers of Ipswich, which
was grievous to him and other of the elders. The thing was
this. Mr. Rogers being earnest in a cause between the town
and Mr. Bradstreet, which also concerned his own interest, Mr.
Dudley used this speech to him, "Do you think to come with
your eldership here to carry matters," etc. Mr. Dudley was
somewhat hard at first to be brought to see any evil in it, but
at last he was convinced and did acknowledge it, and they were
reconciled.
The deputies, also, who were present at this meeting and
118 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1643
had voted for the plaintiff in the case of the sow, seemed now
to be satisfied, and the elders agreed to deal with the deputies
of their several towns, to the end that that cause might never
trouble the court more. But all this notwithstanding, the
plaintiff, (or rather one G. Story her solicitor,) being of an un-
satisfied spirit, and animated, or at least too much counte-
nanced, by some of the court, preferred a petition at the court
of elections for a new hearing, and this being referred to the
committee for petitions, it was returned that the greater part of
them did conceive the cause should be heard again, and some
others in the court declared themselves of the same judgment,
which caused others to be much grieved to see such a spirit in
godly men, that neither the judgment of near all the magis-
trates, nor the concurrence of the elders and their mediation,
nor the loss of time and charge, nor the settling of peace in
court and country could prevail with them to let such a
cause fall, (as in ordinary course of justice it ought,) as noth-
ing could be found in, by any one testimony, to be of criminal
nature, nor could the matter of the suit, with all damages,
have amounted to forty shilHngs. But two things appeared
to carry men on in this course as it were in captivity. One
was, the deputies stood only upon this, that their towns
were not satisfied in the cause (which by the way shows plainly
the democratical spirit which acts our deputies, etc.). The
other was, the desire of the name of victory; whereas on the
other side the magistrates, etc., were content for peace sake,
and upon the elders' advice, to decline that advantage, and to
let the cause fall for want of advice to sway it either way.
Now that which made the people so unsatisfied, and un-
willing the cause should rest as it stood, was the 20 pounds
which the defendant had recovered against the plaintiff in an
action of slander for saying he had stolen the sow, etc., and
many of them could not distinguish this from the principal
cause, as if she had been adjudged to pay 20 pounds for de-
manding her sow, and yet the defendant never took of this
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 119
more than 3 pounds, for his charges of witnesses, etc., and
offered to remit the whole, if she would have acknowledged the
wrong she had done him. But he being accounted a rich man,
and she a poor woman, this so wrought with the people, as being
blinded with unreasonable compassion, they could not see, or
not allow justice her reasonable course. This being found out
by some of the court, a motion was made, that some who had
interest in the defendant would undertake to persuade him to
restore the plaintiff the 3 pounds (or whatever it were) he took
upon that judgment, and hkewise to refer other matters to
reference which were between the said Story and him. This
the court were satisfied with, and proceeded no further.
There was yet one offence which the elders desired might
also be removed, and for that end some of them moved the
governor in it, and he easily consented to them so far as they
had convinced him of his failing therein. The matter was this.
The governor had published a writing about the case of the
sow, as is herein before declared, wherein some passages gave
offence, which he being willing to remove, so soon as he came
into the general court, he spake as followeth, (his speech is set
down verbatim to prevent misrepresentation, as if he had
retracted what he had wrote in the point of the case :)
I understand divers have taken offence at a writing I set forth about
the sow business ; I desire to remove it, and to begin my year in a recon-
ciled estate with all. The writing is of two parts, the matter and the
manner. In the former I had the concurrence of others of my brethren,
both magistrates and deputies; but for the other, viz., the manner, that
was wholly mine own, so as whatsoever was blame-worthy in it I
must take it to myself. The matter is point of judgment, which is not
at my own disposing. I have examined it over and again by such light
as God hath afforded me from the rules of religion, reason, and common
practice, and truly I can find no ground to retract any thing in that, there-
fore I desire I may enjoy my liberty herein, as every of yourselves do,
and justly may. But for the manner, whatsoever I might allege for my
justification before men, I now pass it over: I now set myself before
another judgment seat. I will first speak to the manner in general and
120 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
then to two particulars. For the general. Howsoever that which I wrote
was upon great provocation by some of the adverse party, and upon invi-
tation from others to vindicate ourselves from that aspersion which was
cast upon us, yet that was no sufficient warrant for me to break out into
any distemper. I confess I was too prodigal of my brethren's reputation :
I might have obtained the cause I had in hand without casting such
blemish upon others as I did. For the particulars. 1 . For the conclusion,
viz., now let religion and sound reason give judgment in the case; where-
by I might seem to conclude the other side to be void both of religion and
reason. It is true a man may (as the case may be) appeal to the judgment
of religion and reason, but, as I there carried it, I did arrogate too much
to myself and ascribe too little to others. The other particular was the
profession I made of maintaining what I wrote before all the world,
which, though it may modestly be professed, (as the case may require,)
yet I confess it was now not so beseeming me, but was indeed a fruit of
the pride of mine own spirit. These are all the Lord hath brought me to
consider of, wherein I acknowledge my failings, and humbly intreat you
will pardon and pass them by; if you please to accept my request, your
silence shall be a sufficient testimony thereof unto me, and I hope I shall
be more wise and watchful hereafter.
The sow business had started another question about the
naagistrates' negative vote in the general court. The deputies
generally were very earnest to have it taken away ; whereupon
one of the magistrates wrote a small treatise, wherein he laid
down the original of it from the patent, and the establishing of
it by order of the general court in 1634, showing thereby how
it was fundamental to our government, which, if it were taken
away, would be a mere democracy. He showed also the neces-
sity and usefulness of it by many arguments from scripture,
reason, and common practice, etc. Yet this would not satisfy,
but the deputies and common people would have it taken
away; and yet it was apparent (as some of the deputies
themselves confessed) the most did not understand it. An
answer also was written (by one of the magistrates as was
conceived) to the said treatise, undertaking to avoid all the ar-
guments both from the patent and from the order, etc. This
the deputies made great use of in this court, supposing they
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 121
had now enough to carry the cause clearly with them, so as
they pressed earnestly to have it presently determined. But
the magistrates told them the matter was of great concern-
ment, even to the very frame of our government ; it had been
established upon serious consultation and consent of all the
elders; it had been continued without any inconvenience or
apparent mischief these fourteen years, therefore it would not
be safe nor of good report to alter on such a sudden, and with-
out the advice of the elders : offering withal, that if upon such
advice and consideration it should appear to be inconvenient,
or not warranted by the patent and the said order, etc., they
should be ready to join with them in taking it away. Upon
these propositions they were stilled, and so an order was drawn
up to this effect, that it was desired that every member of the
court would take advice, etc., and that it should be no offence
for any, either publicly or privately, to declare their opinion in
the case, so it were modestly, etc., and that the elders should be
desired to give their advice before the next meeting of this
court. It was the magistrates' only care to gain time, that so
the people's heat might be abated, for then they knew they
would hear reason, and that the advice of the elders might be
interposed ; and that there might be liberty to reply to the an-
swer, which was very long and tedious, which accordingly w^as
done soon after the court, and pubHshed to good satisfaction.
One of the elders also wrote a small treatise, wherein scholas-
tically and religiously he handled the question, la}dng down the
several forms of government both simple and mixt, and the
true form of our government, and the unavoidable change into
a democracy, if the negative voice were taken away; and
answered all objections, and so concluded for the continuance
of it, so as the deputies and the people also, having their heat
moderated by time, and their judgments better informed by
what they had learned about it, let the cause fall, and he who
had written the answer to the first defence, appeared no further
in it.
122 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
Our supplies from England failing much, men began to look
about them, and fell to a manufacture of cotton, whereof we
had store from Barbados, and of hemp and flax, wherein
Rowley, to their great commendation, exceeded all other
towns.
The governor acquainted the court with a letter he received
from Mr. Wheelwright, to intreat the favor of the court that he
might have leave to come into the Bay upon especial occasions,
which was readily granted him for 14 days, whereupon he
came and spake with divers of the elders, and gave them such
satisfaction as they intended to intercede with the court for
the release of his banishment. See more (3) 44.^
Sacononoco and Pumham, two sachems near Providence,
having under them between 2 and 300 men, finding them-
selves overborne by Miantimnomoh, the sachem of Naragansett
and Gorton and his company, who had so prevailed with Mian-
tunnomoh, as he forced one of them to join with him in setting
his hand or mark to a writing, whereby a part of his land was
sold to Gorton and his company, for which Miantunnomoh
received a price, but the other would not receive that which was
for his part, alleging that he did not intend to sell his land,
though through fear of Miantunnomoh he had put his mark to
the writing, they came to our governor, and by Benedict
Arnold^ their interpreter, did desire we would receive them un-
der our government, and brought withal a small present of
wampom, about ten fathom. The governor gave them en-
couragement, but referred them to the court, and received their
present, intending to return it them again, if the court should
not accord to them ; but at the present he acquainted another
of the magistrates with it. So it was agreed, and they wrote
^ 7. e., under May, 1644.
^ Benedict Arnold, long a trusted and useful man, especially helpful for his
knowledge of Indian tongues and his faculty for dealing with the tribes, afterward
eleven times governor of Rhode Island. The area described in the deed of
January 12, 1642/3, was about equivalent to that of the present townships of
Warwick and Coventry, R. I.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 123
to Gorton and his company to let them know what the sachems
had complained of, and how they had tendered themselves
to come under our jurisdiction, and therefore if they had any
thing to allege against it, they should come or send to our next
court. We sent also to Miantunnomoh to signify the same to
him. Whereupon, in the beginning of the court, Miantunno-
moh came to Boston, and being demanded in open court, be-
fore divers of his own men and Cutshamekin and other Indians,
whether he had any interest in the said two sachems as his
subjects, he could prove none. Cutshamekin also in his
presence affirmed, that he had no interest in them, but they
were as free sachems as himself; only because he was a great
sachem, they had sometime sent him presents, and aided him
in his war against the Pequots: and Benedict Arnold affirmed,
partly upon his own knowledge, and partly upon the relation
of divers Indians of those parts, that the Indians belonging to
these sachems did usually pay their deer skins (which are a
tribute belonging to the chief sachem) always to them, and
never to Miantunnomoh or any other sachem of Naragansett,
which Miantunnomoh could not contradict. Whereupon it
was referred to the governor and some other of the magistrates
and deputies to send for the two sachems after the court,
and to treat with them about their receiving in to us.
But before this, Gorton and his company (12 in number)
sent a writing to our court of four sheets of paper, full of re-
proaches against our magistrates, elders and churches, of
famihstical and absurd opinions, and therein they justified
their purchase of the sachems' land, and professed to maintain
it to the death. They sent us word also after, (as Benedict
Arnold reported to us,) that if we sent men against them, they
were ready to meet us, being assured of victory from God, etc.
Whereupon the court sent two of the deputies to speak with
them, to see whether they would own that writing which was
subscribed by them all. When they came, they with much
difficulty came to find out Gorton and two or three more of
124 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
them, and upon conference they did own and justify the said
writing. They spake also with the two sachems, as they had
commission, and giving them to understand upon what terms
they must be received imder us, they foimd them very phable
to all, and opening to them the ten commandments, they re-
ceived this answer, which I have set down as the commissioners
took it in writing from their mouths.
1. Quest. Whether they would worship the true God that
made heaven and earth, and not blaspheme him? Ans. We
desire to speak reverently of Enghshman's God and not to
speak evil of him, because we see the Englishman's God doth
better for them than other Gods do for others.
2. That they should not swear falsely. Ans. We never
knew what swearing or an oath was.
3. Not to do any unnecessary work on the Lord's day with-
in the gates of proper towns. Ans. It is a small thing for us
to rest on that day, for we have not much to do any day, and
therefore we will forbear on that day.
4. To honor their parents and superiors. Ans. It is our
custom so to do, for inferiors to be subject to superiors, for if
we complain to the governor of the Massachusetts that we
have wrong, if they tell us we lie, we shall willingly bear it.
5. Not to kill any man but upon just cause and just author-
ity. Ans. It is good, and we desire so to do.
6. 7. Not to commit fornication, adultery, bestiaUty, etc.
Ans. Though fornication and adultery be committed among
us, yet we allow it not, but judge it evil, so the same we judge
of steahng.
8. For lying, they say it is an evil, and shall not allow it.
9. Whether you will suffer your children to read God's
word, that they may have knowledge of the true God and to
worship him in his own way? Ans. As opportunity serveth
by the Enghsh coming amongst us, we desire to learn their
manners.
After the court, the governor, etc., sent for them, and they
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 125
came to Boston at the day appointed, viz., the 22d of the 4th
month {June), and a form of submission being drawn up, and
they being by Benedict Arnold, their neighbor, and interpreter,
(who spake their language readily,) made to understand every
particular, in the presence of divers of the elders and many
others, they freely subscribed the submission, as it here follow-
eth verbatim. Being told that we did not receive them in as
confederates but as subjects, they answered, that they were so
little in respect of us, as they could expect no other. So they
dined in the same room with the governor, but at a table by
themselves ; and having much countenance showed them by all
present, and being told that they and their men should be al-
ways welcome to the English, provided they brought a note
from Benedict Arnold, that we might know them from other
Indians, and having some small things bestowed upon them by
the governor, they departed joyful and well satisfied. We
looked at it as a fruit of our prayers, and the first fruit of our
hopes, that the example would bring in others, and that the
Lord was by this means making a way to bring them to civility,
and so to conversion to the knowledge and embracing of the
gospel in his due time.
Soon after their departure, we took order that Miantunno-
moh and the EngHsh in those parts should have notice of their
submission to us, that they might refrain from doing them
injury.
Their Submission was as followeth.
This writing is to testify, That we Pumham, sachem of Shawomock,
and Sacononoco, sachem of Patuxet, etc., have, and by these presents do,
voluntarily and without any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free
motion, put ourselves, our subjects, lands and estates under the govern-
ment and jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, to be governed and protected
by them, according to their just laws and orders, so far as we shall be
made capable of understanding them : and we do promise for ourselves
and our subjects, and all our posterity, to be true and faithful to the said
government, and aiding to the maintenance thereof to our best ability,
126 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1643
and from time to time to give speedy notice of any conspiracy, attempt,
or evil intention of any which we shall know or hear of, against the same:
and we do promise to be willing, from time to time, to be instructed in the
knowledge and worship of God. In witness whereof, etc/
The lady Moodye, a wise and anciently religious woman,
being taken with the error of denying baptism to infants, was
dealt withal by many of the elders and others, and admonished
by the church of Salem, (whereof she was a member,) but per-
sisting still, and to avoid further trouble, etc., she removed
to the Dutch against the advice of all her friends. Many
others, infected with anabaptism, removed thither also. She
was after excommunicated.^
5. (July) 5.] There arose a sudden gust at N. W. so violent
for half an hour, as it blew down multitudes of trees. It lifted
up their meeting house at Newbury, the people being in it. It
darkened the air with dust, yet through God's great mercy it
did no hurt, but only killed one Indian with the fall of a tree.
It was straight between Linne and Hampton.
2.] Here arrived one Mr. Carman, master of the ship called
[blank] of 180 tons. He went from New Haven in lOber
(December) last, laden with clapboards for the Canaries, being
earnestly commended to the Lord's protection by the church
there. At the Island of Palma, he was set upon by a Turkish
pirate of 300 tons and 26 pieces of ordnance and 200 men. He
fought with her three hours, having but 20 men and but 7
pieces of ordnance that he could use, and his muskets were un-
serviceable with rust. The Turk lay across his hawse, so as he
was forced to shoot through his own hoodings, and by these
shot killed many Turks. Then the Turk lay by his side and
* These Indian lands at Shawomet and Patuxit lay south of Providence and
were much beyond the bounds of the Massachusetts charter. We have here in
unusual detail a specimen of the Massachusetts treatment of the Indians.
^ The Lady Deborah Moody, a person highly connected, occupied for a
time the estate at Saugus once owned by Humfrey. She acquired influence in
the parts to which she emigrated and rendered help to Peter Stuyvesant
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 127
boarded him with near 100 men, and cut all his ropes, etc., but
his shot having killed the captain of the Turkish ship and
broken his tiller, the Turk took in his own ensign and fell off
from him, but in such haste as he left about 50 of his men
aboard him, then the master and some of his men came up and
fought with those 50 hand to hand, and slew so many of them
as the rest leaped overboard. The master had many wounds
on his head and body, and divers of his men were wounded, yet
but one slain; so with much difficulty he got to the island,
(being in view thereof,) where he was very courteously enter-
tained and supphed with whatsoever he wanted.
Continuation about La Tour.
The governor, with the advice of some of the magistrates
and elders, wrote a letter to D'Aulnay, taking occasion in
answer to his letter in 9ber (November) last to this effect, viz.
Whereas he found by the arrest he sent last autumn, that La
Tour was under displeasure and censure in France, thereupon
we intended to have no further to do with him than by way of
commerce which is allowed, and if he had made prize of any of
our vessels in that way, as he threatened, we should have
righted ourselves so well as we could, without injury to himself
or just offence to his majesty of France, whom we did honor as
a great and mighty prince, and should endeavor always to
behave ourselves towards his majesty and all his subjects as
became us, etc. But La Tour coming now to us, and acquaint-
ing us how it was with him, etc., and here mentioning the vice
admiral's commission and the letters, etc., though we thought
not fit to give him aid, as being unwilling to intermeddle in the
wars of any of our neighbors, yet considering his urgent distress,
we could not in Christianity or humanity deny him hberty to
hire for his money any ships in our harbor, either such as came
to us out of England or others. And whereas some of our peo-
ple were wiUing to go along with him, (though without any
128 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
commission from us,) we had charged them to labor by all
means to bring matters to a reconciliation, etc., and that they
should be assured, that if they should do or attempt any thing
against the rules of justice and good neighborhood, they must
be accountable therefor unto us at their return.^
Beside the former arguments, there came since to Boston
one Mr. Hooke, a godly gentleman, and a deputy of the court
for Sahsbury, who related of the good usage and great courtesy
which La Tour had showed to himself and other passengers,
who were landed at his fort about nine years since as they
came from England, and how the ship leaving them there, and
only a small shallop to bring them to these parts, and a dan-
gerous bay of 12 leagues to be passed over, he would not suffer
them to depart before he had provided his own pinnace to
transport them.
And whereas he was charged to have killed two Englishmen
at Machias not far from his fort, and to have taken away their
goods to the value of 500 poimds, Mr. Vines of Saco, who
was part owner of the goods and principal trader, etc., being
present with La Tour, the governor heard the cause between
them, which was thus: Mr. Vines being in a pinnace trading
in those parts, La Tour met him in another pinnace, and
bought so many of his commodities as Mr. Vines received
then of him 400 skins, and although some of Mr. Vines his
company had abused La Tour, whereupon he had made them
prisoners in his pinnace, yet at Mr. Vines' intreaty he dis-
charged them with grave and good counsel, and acquainted Mr.
Vines with his commission to make prize of all such as should
come to trade in those parts, and thereupon desired him peace-
ably to forbear, etc., yet at his request he gave him leave to
trade the goods he had left, in his way home, so as he did not
fortify or build in any place within his commission, which he
^ Savage thinks the inexpedient and calamitous policy of Winthrop as regards
La Tour referable to pressure brought to bear upon him by the Boston merchants,
who saw a chance to make money out of the Frenchman.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 129
said he could not answer it if he should suffer it ; whereupon
they parted friendly. Mr. Vines landed his goods at Machias,
and there set up a small wigwam, and left five men and two
murderers* to defend it, and a shallop, and so returned home.
Two days after La Tour comes, and casting anchor before the
place, one of Mr. Vines' men came on board his pinnace, and
while they were in parley, four of La Tour his men went on
shore. One of the fom' which were in the house, seeing them,
gave fire to a murderer, but it not taking fire, he called to his
fellow to give fire to the other murderer, which he going to do,
the four French retreated, and one of their muskets went off,
(La Tour sayeth it was by accident, and that the shot went
through one of his fellow's clothes, but Mr. Vines could say no-
thing to that). It killed two of the men on shore, which La
Tour then professed himself innocent of, and very sorry for; and
said further, that the five men were at that time all drunk, and
not unlikely, having store of wine and strong water, for had
they been sober, they would not have given fire upon such as
they had conversed friendly with but two days before, without
once bidding them stand, or asking them wherefore they came.
After this La Tour coming to the house, and finding some of
his own goods, (though of no great value,) which had a httle
before been taken out of his fort at St. Johns by the Scotch
and some EngUsh of Virginia, (when they plundered all his
goods to a great value and abused his men,) he seized the
three men and the goods and sent them into France according
to his commission, where the men were discharged, but the
goods adjudged lawful prize. Mr. Vines did not contradict
any of this, but only that he did not build or fortify at Ma-
chias, but only set up a shelter for his men and goods. For the
value of the goods Mr. Vines showed an invoice which came
to 3 or 400 pounds, but La Tour said he had another under
the men's hands that were there, which came not to half so
much. In conclusion he promised that he would refer the
* "Murderers" were small cannon.
130 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
cause to judgment, and if it should be found that he had
done them wrong, he would make satisfaction.
5. (July) 14.] In the evening La Tour took ship, the gover-
nor and divers of the chief of the town accompanying him to his
boat. There went with him four of our ships and a pinnace.
He hired them for two months, the chief est, which had 16
pieces of ordnance, at 200 pounds the month; yet she was of
but 100 tons, but very well manned and fitted for fight, and
the rest proportionable. The owners took only his own security
for their pay. He entertained also about 70 land soldiers,
volunteers, at 40s. per month a man, but he paid them some-
what in hand.
Of the two friars which came in this ship, the one was a very
learned acute man. Divers of our elders who had conference
with him reported so of him. They came not into the town,
lest they should give offence, but once, being brought by some
to see Mr. Cotton and confer with him, and when they came to
depart, the chief came to take leave of the governor and the
two elders of Boston, and showed himself very thankful for the
courtesy they found among us.
In the afternoon they set sail from Long Island, the wind
N. and by W. and went out at Broad Sound at half flood, where
no ships of such burthen had gone out before, or not more
than one.
Three errors the governor, etc., committed in managing this
business. 1. In giving La Tour an answer so suddenly (the
very next day after his arrival). 2. In not advising with any
of the elders, as their manner was in matters of less consequence.
3. In not calhng upon God, as they were wont to do in all
pubhc affairs, before they fell to consultation, etc.
The occasions of these errors were, first, their earnest desire
to despatch him away, and conceiving at first they should have
given him the same answer they gave his lieutenant the last
year, for they had not then seen the Vice Admiral's commission.
2. Not then conceiving any need of counsel, the elders never
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 131
came into the goveraor's thoughts. 3. La Tour and many of
the French coming into them at first meeting, and some taking
occasion to fall in parley with them, there did not appear then
a fit opportunity for so solemn an action as calling upon God,
being in the midst of their business before they were aware of
it. But this fault hath been many times found in the governor
to be over sudden in his resolutions, for although the course
were both warrantable and safe, yet it had beseemed men of
wisdom and gravity to have proceeded with more dehberation
and further advice.
Those about Ipswich, etc., took great offence at these pro-
ceedings, so as three of the magistrates and the elders of
Ipswich and Rowley, with Mr. Nathaniel Ward, wrote a letter
to the governor and assistants in the bay, and to the elders
here, protesting against the proceedings, and that they would
be innocent of all the evil which might ensue, etc., with divers
arguments against it, whereof some were weighty, but not to
the matter, for they supposed we had engaged the country
in a war, as if we had permitted our ships, etc., to fight with
D'Aukiay, whereas we only permitted them to be hired by
La Tour to conduct him home. The governor made answer
to this protestation, so did Mr. Dudley and the pastor of
Boston.*
5. (July).] Letters came to our governor from Mr. Haynes,
governor at Hartford, certifying of a war begun between Onkus,
sachem of Mohigen, and Sequasson, sachem upon Connecticut,
and that upon Onkus' complaint of the other's assaulting him,
etc., he sent for Sequasson and endeavored to make them
friends, but Sequasson chose rather to have war, so they were
forced to leave them to themselves, promising to be aiding
to neither, etc. Soon after Onkus set upon Sequasson and
killed seven or eight of his men, wounded 13, burnt his wig-
wams and carried away the booty. Upon this Miantunno-
* The papers in the controversy are preserved in Hutchinson, Collection of
Papers, 115-134 (pp. 129-149 of Prince Society edition).
132 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1643
moh (being allied to Sequasson) sent to Mr. Haynes to com-
plain of Onkus. He answered that the English had no hand
in it, nor would encourage them, etc. Miantunnomoh gave
notice hereof also to our governor by two of our neighbor
Indians who had been with him, and was very desirous to
know if we would not be offended, if he made war upon Onkus.
Our governor answered, if Onkus had done him or his friends
wrong and would not give satisfaction, we should leave him
to take his own course.
5. {July) 22.] A Dutch sloop arrived with letters in Latin,
signed by the secretary there in the name and by the command
of the governor and senate, directed to the governor and senate
of U. P.^ of New England, wherein 1st, he congratulates our late
confederation, then he complains of unsufferable wrongs done
to their people upon Connecticut, more of late than formerly,
and of misinformation given by some of ours to the States'
ambassador in London, and desires to know by a categorical
answer, whether we will aid or desert them, (meaning of
Hartford,) that so they may know their friends from their
enemies, etc. The governor appointed a meeting of some
of the next magistrates on the second day next, but the
rain hindering some of them, it was put off to the fifth
day.
Here arrived a bark of the Earl of Warwick from Trinidado.
She came for people and provisions, but our people, being well
informed of the state of those places, were now become wiser,
and could stay here where they were in better condition than
they could be in those parts, so he altered his design and went
toward Canada, and by the way guarded home a pinnace of
La Tour's which came hither for provisions.
The wife of one ^plank] Hett, of whom mention was made
before, being cast out of the church of Boston, the Lord was
pleased so to honor his own ordinance, that whereas before no
means could prevail with her either to reclaim her from her
* United Provinces.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 133
wicked and blasphemous courses and speeches, etc., or to bring
her to frequent the means, within a few weeks after her casting
out, she came to see her sin and lay it to heart, and to frequent
the means, and so was brought to such manifestation of repent-
ance and a sound mind, as the church received her in again.
The day appointed for considering of the letter from the
Dutch proved again so wet as but few met, and of those some
would have another day appointed, and all the magistrates to
be called to it, but others thought it not fit both in regard the
messenger hasted away, and also, for that no direct answer
could be returned without a general court. At length ad-
vising with some of the elders who were at hand, and some
of the deputies, we returned answer to this effect, (in the name
of the governor only,) viz. After gratulation, etc., of their
friendly respect and our earnest desire of the continuance of
that good correspondency which hath been between themselves
and us, ever since our arrival in these parts. That our chief
council, to whom their letters were directed, being far dispersed,
etc., he was necessitated, with the advice of some other of the
magistrates, to return this answer to them for the present, being
rather a declaration of their own conceptions than the deter-
mination of our chiefest authority, from which they should
receive further answer in time convenient. We declared our
grief for the difference between them and our brethren of Hart-
ford, which we conceived might be composed by arbiters, either
in England or Holland, or here ; that by our confederation we
were bound to seek the good and safety of each other as our
own, which we hoped would not hinder the continuance of that
amity and correspondency between themselves and us; and
that the ground of their difference, being only for a small par-
cel of land, was a matter of so Httle value in this vast continent,
as was not worthy to cause a breach between two people so
nearly related, both in profession of the same Protestant
rehgion and otherwise; therefore we would seriously request
them, as we would do also the others, that until the justice
134 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
of the cause were decided by one of the ways before named,
there might be abstinence on both sides from injury and provo-
cation, and if any should happen on their part, that it might be
duly examined, and we were assured (they being a people fear-
ing God, they durst not allow themselves in any unrighteous
course) they should receive equal satisfaction. See more page
[blank.]
We received news of a great defeat given the Narragansetts
by Onkus, and of 15 Dutch slain by the Indians, and much
beaver taken, and of Mr. Lamberton, etc.
6. (August).] Onkus,being provoked by Sequasson, a sachem
of Connecticut, who would not be persuaded by the magistrates
there to a reconciliation, made war upon him, and slew divers
of his men and burnt his wigwams ; whereupon Miantunnomoh,
being his kinsman, took offence against Onkus, and went with
near 1,000 men and set upon Onkus before he could be provided
for defence, for he had not then with him above 3 or 400 men.
But it pleased God to give Onkus the victory, after he had
killed about 30 of the Narragansetts, and wounded many more,
and among these two of Canonicus' sons and a brother of
Miantunnomoh, who fled, but having on a coat of mail, he was
easily overtaken, which two of his captains perceiving, they
laid hold on him and carried him to Onkus, hoping thereby to
procure their own pardon. But so soon as they came to
Onkus, he slew them presently; and Miantunnomoh standing
mute, he demanded of him why he would not speak. If you
had taken me, sayeth he, I would have besought you for
my life. The news of Miantunnomoh's captivity coming to
Providence, Gorton and his company, who had bought of him
the lands belonging to the sachems who were come under our
jurisdiction, wrote a letter to Onkus, wiUing him to deliver
their friend Miantunnomoh, and threatened him with the power
of the Enghsh if he refused, and they sent their letter in the
name of the governor of Massachusetts. Upon this Onkus
carries Miantunnomoh to Hartford to take advice of the mag-
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 135
istrates there, and at Miantunnomoh's earnest entreaty he left
him with them, yet as a prisoner. They kept him under guard,
but used him ver}^ courteously, and so he continued till the
commissioners of the United Colonies met at Boston, who
taking into serious consideration what was safest and best
to be done, were all of opinion that it would not be safe to set
him at hberty, neither had we sufficient ground for us to put
him to death. In this difficulty we called in five of the most
judicious elders, (it being in the time of the general assembly
of the elders,) and propounding the case to them, they all agreed
that he ought to be put to death. Upon this concurrence we
enjoined secrecy to ourselves and them, lest if it should come to
the notice of the Narragansetts, they might set upon the com-
missioners, etc., in their retm-n, to take some of them to redeem
him, (as Miantunnomoh himself had told Mr. Haynes had been
in consultation amongst them;) and agreed that, upon the
return of the commissioners to Hartford, they should send for
Onkus and tell him our determination, that Miantunnomoh
should be delivered to him again, and he should put him to
death so soon as he came within his own jurisdiction, and that
two English should go along with him to see the execution,
and that if any Indians should invade him for it, we would
send men to defend him : If Onkus should refuse to do it, then
Miantunnomoh should be sent in a pinnace to Boston, there
to be kept until further consideration.
The reasons of this proceeding with him were these. 1.
It was now clearly discovered to us, that there was a general
conspiracy among the Indians to cut off all the English, and
that Miantunnomoh was the head and contriver of it. 2.
He was of a turbulent and proud spirit, and would never be at
rest. 3. Although he had promised us in the open court to
send the Pequod to Onkus, who had shot him in the arm with
intent to have killed him, (which was by the procurement of
Miantunnomoh as it did probably appear,) yet in his way
homeward he killed him. 4. He beat one of Pumham's men
136 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
and took away his wampom, and then bid him go and complain
to the Massachusetts.
According to this agreement the commissioners, at their
return to Connecticut, sent for Onkus, and acquainted him
therewith, who readily undertook the execution, and taking
Miantunnomoh along with Mm, in the way between Hartford
and Windsor, (where Onkus hath some men dwell,) Onkus'
brother, following after Miantunnomoh, clave his head with an
hatchet, some English being present. And that the Indians
might know that the Enghsh did approve of it, they sent 12 or
14 musketeers home with Onkus to abide a time with him for
his defence, if need should be. ^
Mo. 6 (August).] About the 20th of this month the ships
which went with La Tour came back safe, not one person miss-
ing or sick. But the report of their actions was offensive and
grievous to us; for when they drew near to La Tour's place,
D'Aulnay, having discovered them, set sail with his vessels
(being two ships and a pinnace) and stood right home to
Port Royal. Ours pursued them, but could not fetch them
up, but they ran their ships on ground in the harbor and began
to fortify themselves: whereupon ours sent a boat to D'Aulnay
with the governor's letter and a letter from Captain Hawkins,
who by agreement among themselves was commander in chief.
The messenger who carried the letters, being one who could
speak French well, was carried blindfold into the house, and
there kept six or seven hours, and all D'Aulnay's company phed
for their fortifying with paUsadoes, and the friars as busy as
*The conduct of Massachusetts toward Miantonomo seems to students in
general ungrateful and cruel. No Indian character of that time is more dignified
and engaging. The most powerful of New England chieftains, he was friendly
to the new-comers. He resisted the Pequot blandishments in 1636, which saved
the colonies from destruction. His treatment of Providence and Rhode Island
in particular had been kind. Possibly Massachusetts was influenced by his
kindness to the outcast Gorton; but no sufficient reason appears why he should
have been given over to death. Still, there may have been undercurrents of
treachery, and we must not forget that the English hold was then very precarious,
and remained so until after Philip's war.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 137
any, and encouraging the women, who cried pitifully, teUing
them we were infidels and heretics. D'Aulnay would not open
La Tour's letter, because he did not style him Lieutenant
General, etc., but he returned answer to the governor and to
Captain Hawkins, and sent him a copy of the arrest against
La Tour, and showed the original to the messenger, but refused
to come to any terms of peace. Upon this La Tour urged much
to have our men to assault him, but they refused. Then he
desired that some of ours might be landed with his to do some
mischief to D'Aulnay. Captain Hawkins would send none,
but gave leave to any that would go; whereupon some 30 of
ours went with La Tour's men, and were encountered by
D'Aulnay's men, who had fortified themselves by his mill, but
were beaten out with loss of three of their men, and none slain
on our side nor wounded, only three of La Tour's men were
wounded. They set the mill on fire and burnt some standing
com, and retired to their ships with one prisoner whom they
took in the mill. D'Aulnay shot with his ordnance at their
boats as they went aboard, but missed them, nor did our ships
make one shot at him again, but set sail and went to La Tour's
fort. While they lay there, D'Aulnay's pinnace came, suppos-
ing he and his ships had been still there, and brought in her
400 moose skins and 400 beaver skins. These they took with-
out any resistance and divided them; one third La Tour had
and the pinnace, one third to the ships, and the other to the
men. So they continued there till their time was near expired,
and were paid their hire and returned, one ship coming a good
time before the other; and the pinnace went up John's river
some 20 leagues and loaded with coal. They brought a piece
of white marble, whereof there is great store near his fort,
which makes very good Hme.^
Mo. 7 (September).] The Indians near the Dutch, having
killed 15 men, as is before related, proceeded on and began to
* The English thus became much farther involved in the quarrel between
the Frenchmen than was intended.
138 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
set upon the English who dwelt under the Dutch. They came
to Mrs. Hutchinson's in way of friendly neighborhood, as they
had been accustomed, and taking their opportunity, killed her
and Mr. Collins, her son-in-law, (who had been kept prisoner
in Boston, as is before related,) and all her family, and such of
Mr. Throckmorton's and Mr. Cornhill's families as were at
home; in all sixteen, and put their cattle into their houses
and there burnt them. By a good providence of God, there
was a boat came in there at the same instant, to which some
women and children fled, and so were saved, but two of the
boatmen going up to the houses were shot and killed.*
These people had cast off ordinances and churches, and now
at last their own people, and for larger accommodation had
subjected themselves to the Dutch and dwelt scatteringly near
a mile asunder: and some that escaped, who had removed
only for want (as they said) of hay for their cattle which
increased much, now coming back again to Aquiday, they
wanted cattle for their grass. These Indians having killed
and driven away all the Enghsh upon the main as far as Stam-
ford, (for so far the Dutch had gained possession by the Eng-
hsh,) they passed on to Long Island and there assaulted the
Lady Moodey in her house divers times, for there were 40 men
gathered thither to defend it.
These Indians at the same time set upon the Dutch with
an implacable fury, and killed all they could come by, and
burnt their houses and killed their cattle without any resist-
ance, so as the governor and such as escaped betook them-
selves to their fort at Monhaton, and there hved and eat up their
cattle.
4.] There was an assembly at Cambridge of all the elders
in the country, (about 50 in all,) such of the ruling elders as
* Here ends the painful tragedy of Anne Hutchinson's life. The location
was the point now known as Pelham Neck, near New Rochelle, New York. It
is still marked by the local nomenclature, for though the name of Anne's Hoeck
has disappeared, Hutchinson Creek still perpetuates her memory.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 139
would were present also, but none else. They sat in the college,
and had their diet there after the manners of scholars' com-
mons, but somewhat better, yet so ordered as it came not to
above sixpence the meal for a person. Mr. Cotton and Mr.
Hooker were chosen moderators. The principal occasion
was because some of the elders went about to set up some
things according to the presbytery, as of Newbury, etc. The
assembly concluded against some parts of the presbyterial way,
and the Newbury ministers took time to consider the argu-
ments, etc.^
7.] Upon the complaint of the English of Patuxet near
Providence, who had submitted to our jurisdiction, and the two
Indian sachems there, of the continual injuries offered them by
Gorton and his company, the general court sent for them, by
letter only, not in way of command, to come answer the com-
plaints, and sent them letters of safe conduct. But they an-
swered our messengers disdainfully, refused to come, but sent
two letters full of blasphemy against the churches and magis-
tracy, and other provoking terms, shghting all we could do
against them. So that having sent three times, and receiving
no other answer, we took testimonies against them both of
English and Indians, and determined to proceed with them by
force. And because they had told our messengers the last time,
that if we had anything to say to th^ii, if we would come to
them, they would do us justice therein, therefore we wrote to
them to this effect, viz. ; To the end that our justice and mod-
eration might appear to all men, we would condescend so far to
them as to send commissioners to hear their answers and alle-
gations, and if thereupon they would give us such satisfaction
as should be just, we would leave them in peace, if otherwise,
we would proceed by force of arms ; and signified withal that
we would send a sufficient guard with our commissioners.
For seeing they would not trust themselves with us upon our
' An echo of the dispute between Presbyterianism and the rising Indepen-
dency, which in England had now become acute.
140 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
safe conduct, we had no reason to trust ourselves with them
upon their bare courtesy. And accordingly we sent the next
week Captain George Cook, Lieutenant Atherton, and Ed-
ward Johnson,* with commission and instructions, (the in-
structions would here be inserted at large,) and with them
40 soldiers.
They came to Providence, and by the way received another
letter from Gorton, of the like contents with the former, and
told them plainly they were prepared for them, etc. Being
come near, they found they had put themselves all into one
house, which they had made musket-proof with two flankers.
But by the mediation of others of Providence, they came
to parley, and then offered to refer their cause to arbitrators,
(alleging that we were parties, and so not equal judges,) so as
some of them might be of Providence or of Aquiday, and
offered their cattle for security to abide the order, etc. Our
commissioners, through importunity of themselves and others
of Providence, were content to send to us to know our minds
about it. Their letter came to us, when a committee, ap-
pointed by the general court, were met about the tidings of
Miantunnomoh's death; so calling into us five or six of the
elders who were near at hand, we considered of the motion,
and agreed that it was neither seasonable nor reasonable,
neither safe nor honorable, for us to accept of such a proposi-
tion. 1. Because they would never off er us any terms of peace
before we had sent our soldiers. 2. Because the ground of it
was false, for we were not parties in the case between the
Indians and them, but the proper judges, they being all within
our jurisdiction by the Indians and English their own grant.
3. They were no state, but a few fugitives living without law or
government, and so not honorable for us to join with them in
' Cook returning to England became a colonel in Cromwell's army. Atherton
at a later time became major-general of the colonial forces, and while holding
that position was killed by a fall from his horse in 1665. Johnson was the author
of the Wonder-Working Providence.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 141
such a course. 4. The parties whom they would refer it unto
were such as were rejected by us, and all the governments
in the country, and besides, not men likely to be equal to
us, or able to judge of the cause. 5. Their blasphemous and
reviling writings, etc., were not matters fit to be compounded
by arbitrament, but to be purged away only by repentance
and pubHc satisfaction, or else by pubhc punishment.
And lastly, the commission and instructions being given
them by the general court, it was not in our power to alter
them; so accordingly we wrote to our commissioners to pro-
ceed, which accordingly they did, and approached the house,
where they had fortified themselves, with trenches so near as
they might fire the house, which they attempted two or three
times, but they within quenched it. At last three of them
escaped out and ran away, and the rest yielded and were
brought to Boston, and were committed to the prison. It was
a special providence of God that neither any of them nor of
ours were slain or hurt, though many shot passed between
them, but every man returned safe and hale. See more, page
[blank].
Here wants the beginning which may be supplied out of the
records, 64.
Other affairs were transacted by the commissioners of the
United Colonies, as writing letters to the Swedish governor
in Delaware river, concerning the foul injuries offered by him
to Mr. Lamberton and those people whom New Haven had
planted there, and also to the Dutch governor about the
injuries his agent there had also offered and done to them, as
burning down their trading house, joining with the Swedes
against them, etc. But this was inserted in the letter which
the general court sent to him in further answer of that which
he sent to them, as is expressed herebef ore ; in which letter we
declared the complaints which had been made by our confed-
erates both of Hartford and New Haven, of their injurious
dealings, as well at Hartford and New Haven as at Delaware :
142 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
also our opinion of the justice of the cause of Hartford in
respect of title of the land in question between them, which
we could not change, except we might see more hght than had
yet appeared to us by the title the Dutch insisted upon, nor
might we desert either of our confederates in a righteous cause.
And we gave also commission to Mr. Lamberton to go treat
with the Swedish governor about satisfaction for those injuries
and damages, and to agree with him about settUng their trade
and plantation. This Swedish governor demeaned himself as
if he had neither Christian nor moral conscience, getting Mr.
Lamberton into his power by feigned and false pretences, and
keeping him prisoner and some of his men, laboring by prom-
ises and threats to draw them to accuse him to have conspired
with the Indians to cut off the Swedes and Dutch, and not
prevailing these ways, then by attempting to make them
drunk, that so he might draw something from them: and
in the end, (though he could gain no testimony,) yet he forced
him to pay [blank] weight of beaver before he would set him at
liberty. He is also a man very furious and passionate, cursing
and swearing, and also reviUng the EngUsh of New Haven as
runagates, etc., and himself with his own hands put irons upon
one of Mr. Lamberton 's men, and went also to the houses of
those few families planted there, and forced some of them to
swear allegiance to the crown of Sweden, though he had no
color of title to that place, and such as would not, he drave
away, etc. All these things were clearly proved by Mr. Lam-
berton's relation, and by other testimony upon oath, but this
was before he was sent with commission.*
About this time our governor received letters from PhiUp
Bell, Esq., governor of Barbados, complaining of the distracted
condition of that island in regard of divers sects of famihsts
^ The settlement of the New Haven men was near the present site of Salem,
New Jersey. The story is told by Professor Keen in Winsor's Narrative and
Critical History, IV. 451-457, from the reports of Governor Johan Printz and
other Swedish sources.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 143
sprung up there, and their turbulent practices, which had
forced him to proceed against some of them by banishment,
and others of mean quahty by whipping ; and earnestly desir-
ing us to send them some godly ministers and other good people.
The governor imparted the letter to the court and elders, but
none of our ministers would go thither, and the governor
returned answer accordingly.
8. (October) 12.] The new sachem of Narraganset, Miantun-
nomoh's brother called Pesecus, a young man about 20, sent
a present to our governor, viz., an otter coat and girdle of
wampom, and some other wampom, in all worth about 15
pounds, and desired peace and friendship with us, and withal
that we would not aid Onkus against him, whom he intended
to make war upon in revenge of his brother's death. Our
governor answered the messengers, that we were willing to have
peace and friendship with him, and to that end had sent mes-
sengers to Canonicus, (whom it seemed they met with by the
way,) but we desired withal that there might be peace with all
Indians also, both Onkus and others, and that we had also sent
to Ousamekin to that end ; therefore except their sachem would
agree to it, we could not receive his present. They rephed that
they had no instructions about the matter, but would return
back and acquaint their sachem with it, and retm'n to us again,
and desired to leave their present with our governor in the
mean time, which he agreed unto.
13.] Captain Cook and his company, which were sent
out against Gorton, returned to Boston, and the captives,
being nine, were brought to the governor his house in a miU-
tary order, viz., the soldiers being in two files, and after every
five or six soldiers a prisoner. So being before his door, the
commissioners came in, and after the governor had saluted
them, he went forth with them, and passing through the files,
welcomed them home, blessing God for preserving and pros-
pering them, and gave them all thanks for their pains and good
carriage, and desired of the captain a list of their names, that
144 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1643
the court, etc., might know them if hereafter there should be
occasion to make use of such men. This good acceptance
and commendation of their service gave many of them more
content than their wages, (which yet was very Hberal, ten shil-
Hngs per week, and they to victual themselves, and it is need-
ful in all such commonwealths where the state desires to be
served by volunteers). Then having conferred privately with
the commissioners, he caused the prisoners to be brought
before him in his hall, where was a great assembly, and there
laid before them their contemptuous carriage towards us, and
their obstinacy against all the fair means and moderation we
had used to reform them and bring them to do right to those of
ours whom they had wronged, and how the Lord had now
justly delivered them into our hands. They pleaded in their
excuse that they were not of our jurisdiction, and that though
they had now yielded themselves to come and answer before
us, yet they yielded not as prisoners. The governor rephed,
they were brought to him as taken in war, and so our commis-
sioners had informed, but if they could plead any other quarter
or agreement our commissioners had made with them, we
must and would perform it; to which they made no answer.
So the governor committed them to the marshal to convey to
the common prison, and gave order they should be well pro-
vided for both for lodging and diet. Then he went forth again
with the captain, and the soldiers gave him three volhes of shot
and so departed to the inn, where the governor had appointed
some refreshing to be provided for them, above their wages.
The next Lord's day in the forenoon, the prisoners would not
come to the meeting, so as the magistrates determined they
should be compelled. They agreed to come, so as they might
have Uberty after sermon to speak, if they had occasion.
The magistrates' answer was, that they did leave the ordering
of things in the church to the elders, but there was no doubt
but they might have leave to speak, so as they spake the words
of truth and sobriety. So in the afternoon they came, and
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 145
were placed in the fourth seat right before the elders. Mr.
Cotton (in his ordinary text) taught then out of Acts 19. of
Demetrius pleading for Diana's silver shrines or temples, etc.
After sermon Gorton desired leave to speak, which being grant-
ed, he repeated the points of Mr. Cotton's sermon, and coming
to that of the silver shrines, he said that in the church there
was nothing now but Christ, so that all our ordinances, minis-
ters, sacraments, etc., were but men's inventions for show and
pomp, and no other than those silver shrines of Diana. He
said also that if Christ lived eternally, then he died eternally;
and it appeared both by his letters and examinations that he
held that Christ was incarnate in Adam, and that he was that
image of God wherein Adam was created, and that the chief
work and merit was in that his incarnation, in that he became
such a thing, so mean, etc., and that his being bom after of the
Virgin Mary and suffering, etc., was but a manifestation of his
sufferings, etc., in Adam. Likewise in his letter he condemned
and reviled magistracy, calling it an idol, alleging that a man
might as well be a slave to his belly as to his own species : yet
being examined he would acknowledge magistracy to be an
ordinance of God in the world as marriage was, viz., no other
magistracy but what was natural, as the father over his wife
and children, and an hereditary prince over his subjects.
When the general court was assembled, Gorton and his com-
pany were brought forth upon the lecture day at Boston, and
there, before a great assembly, the governor declared the cause
and manner of our proceeding against them, and their letters
were openly read, and all objections answered. As 1. That
they were not within our jurisdiction. To this was answered.
1. That they were either within Plymouth or Mr. Fen wick,* and
they had yielded their power to us in this cause. 2. If they
were under no jurisdiction, then had we none to complain unto
for redress of our injuries, and then we must either right our-
selves and our subjects by force of arms, or else we must sit
^ I.e., Say brook.
146 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
still under all their reproaches and injuries, among which
they had this insolent passage. — ''We do more disdain that
you should send for us to come to you, than you could do, if
we should send for the chiefest among you to come up to us,
and be employed according to our pleasure in such works as
we should appoint you."
As for their opinions, we did not meddle with them for those,
otherwise than they had given us occasion by their letters to us,
and by their free and open publishing them amongst us, for we
wrote to them only about civil controversies between them and
our people, and gave them no occasion to vent their blasphem-
ings and revilings, etc. And for their title to the Indians' land,
we had divers times desired them to make it appear, but they
always refused, even to our commissioners whom we sent last
to them ; and since they were in prison, we offered to send for
any witnesses they would desire, but still they refused, so that
our title appearing good and we having now regained our pos-
session, we need not question them any more about that.
Their letters being read, they were demanded severally if they
would maintain those things which were contained therein.
They answered they would in that sense wherein they wrote
them.
After this they were brought before the court severally to be
examined, (divers of the elders being desired to be present,)
and because they had said they could give a good interpreta-
tion of all they had written, they were examined upon the par-
ticular passages. But the interpretation they gave being con-
tradictory to their expressions, they were demanded then if
they would retract those expressions, but that they refused, and
said still that they should then deny the truth. For instance
in one or two ; their letters were directed, one to their neigh-
bors of the Massachusetts, and the other of them to the great
honored idol general of the Massachusetts, and by a messenger
of their own delivered to oiu- governor, and many passages
in both letters particularly applied to our courts, our magis-
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 147
trates, our elders, etc., yet in their examinations about their
reproachful passages, they answered, that they meant them of
the corrupt estate of mankind in general and not of us, etc.
So whereas in their letters they impute it to us as an error, that
we teach that Christ died actually only when he suffered under
Pontius Pilate, and before only in types, upon their examina-
tion they say that their meaning was, that his death was actual
to the faith of the fathers under the law, which is in effect no
other than we hold, yet they account it an error in us, and
would not retract that charge. One of the cldcre had been in
the prison with them, and had conferred with them about their
opinions, and they expressed their agreement with him in
every point, so as he intended to move for favor for them,
but when he heard their answer upon their examination,
he found how he had been deluded by them ; for they excel the
Jesuits in the art of equivocation, and regard not how false
they speak to all other men's apprehensions, so they keep to
the rules of their own meaning. Gorton maintained, that the
image of God wherein Adam was created was Christ, and so
the loss of that image was the death of Christ, and the restor-
ing of it in regeneration was Christ's resurrection, and so the
death of him that was bom of the Virgin Mary was but a
manifestation of the former. In their letters, etc., they con-
demned all ordinances in the church, caUing baptism an abom-
ination, and the Lord's supper the juice of a poor silly grape
turned into the blood of Christ by the skill of our magicians,
etc. Yet upon examination they would say they did allow
them to be the ordinances of Christ; but their meaning was
that they were to continue no longer than the infancy of the
church lasted, (and but to novices then,) for after the revelation
was written they were to cease, for there is no mention of them,
say they, in that book.
They were all illiterate men, the ablest of them could not
write true Enghsh, no not common words, yet they would take
upon them the interpretation of the most difficult places of
148 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1643
scripture, and wrest them any way to serve their own turns:
as to give one instance for many. Mr. Cotton pressing them
with that in Acts 10. '^Who can forbid water why these
should not be baptized? so he commanded them to be bap-
tized" they interpret thus. Who can deny but these have been
baptized, seeing they have received the Holy Ghost, etc., so he
allowed them to have been baptized. This shift they were put
to, that they might maintain their former opinion, That such
as have been baptized with the Holy Ghost need not the out-
ward baptism.
The court and the elders spent near a whole day in dis-
covery of Gorton's deep mysteries which he had boasted of in
his letters, and to bring him to conviction, but all was in vain.
Much pains was also taken with the rest, but to as Httle effect.
They would acknowledge no error or fault in their writings,
and yet would seem sometimes to consent with us in the truth.
After all these examinations the coiu-t began to consult
about their sentence. The judgment of the elders also had
been demanded about their blasphemous speeches and opinions,
what punishment was due by the word of God. Their answer
was first in writing, that if they should maintain them as ex-
pressed in their writings, their offence deserved death by the
law of God. The same some of them declared after in open
court. But before the court would proceed to determine of
their sentence, they agreed first upon their charge, and then
calUng them all pubhcly they declared to them what they had
to charge them with, out of their letter and speeches. Their
charge was this, viz. They were charged to be blasphemous
enemies of the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of all
his holy ordinances, and Hkewise of all civil government among
his people, and particularly within this jurisdiction. Then
they were demanded whether they did acknowledge this
charge to be just, and did submit to it, or what exceptions they
had against it. They answered they did not acknowledge it
to be just, but they took no particular exceptions to it, but fell
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 149
into some cavilling speeches, so they were returned to prison
again. Being in prison they behaved insolently towards their
keeper, and spake evil of the magistrates. Whereupon some
of the magistrates were very earnest to have irons presently
put upon them. Others thought it better to forbear all such
severity till their sentence were passed. This latter opinion
prevailed.
After divers means had been used both in public and private
to reclaim them, and all proving fruitless, the court proceeded
to consider of their sentence, in which the court was much di-
vided. All the magistrates, save three, were of opinion that
Gorton ought to die, but the greatest number of the deputies
dissenting, that vote did not pass. In the end all agreed upon
this sentence, for seven of them, viz., that they should be dis-
persed into seven several towns, and there kept to work for
their living, and wear irons upon one leg, and not to depart
the limits of the town, nor by word or writing maintain any
of their blasphemous or wicked errors upon pain of death,
only with exception for speech with any of the elders, or any
other hcensed by any magistrate to confer with them; this
censure to continue during the pleasure of the court.
There were three more taken in the house with them, but
because they had not their hands to the letters, they were dis-
missed, two of them upon a small ransom, as captives taken
in war, and the third freely, for that he was but in his master's
house, etc. A fourth, being foimd to be an ignorant young
man, was only enjoined to abide in Watertown upon pain of
the court's displeasure only.
At the next court they were all sent away, because we
found that they did corrupt some of our people, especially the
women, by their heresies.
About a week after, we sent men to fetch so many of their
cattle as might defray our charges, both of the soldiers and of
the court, which spent many days about them, and for their ex-
penses in prison. It came to in all about 160 pounds. There
150 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1643
were three who escaped out of the house ; these being sent for
to come in, two of them did so, and one of them, because his
hand was not to the letters, was freely discharged, the other
was sent home upon his own bond to appear at the next court,
(only some of his cattle were taken towards the charges).
There was a fourth who had his hand to the first letter, but he
died before our soldiers went, and we left his whole estate to
his wife and children. Their arms were all taken from them,
and of their guns the court gave one fowhng piece to Pum-
ham and another to Saconoco, and hberty granted them to
have powder as being now within our jurisdiction.^
The Lord Bartemore being owner of much land near Vir-
ginia, being himself a papist, and his brother Mr. Calvert
the governor there a papist also, but the colony consisted
both of Protestants and papists, he wrote a letter to Captain
Gibbons of Boston, and sent him a commission, wherein he
made tender of land in Maryland to any of ours that would
transport themselves thither, with free liberty of religion, and
all other privileges which the place afforded, paying such an-
nual rent as should be agreed upon; but our captain had no
mind to further his desire herein, nor had any of our people
temptation that way.^
5. {July) 13.] One Captain John Chaddock, son of him
that was governor of Bermuda, a godly gentleman, but late re-
moving from them with his family and about 100 more to
Trinidado, where himself and wife and most of his company
* The treatment of Gorton and his associates, given in such detail by Winthrop,
is also the subject of numerous scattered entries in the Records of Massachtisetts,
Vol. II., p. 51, etc. Though the story is repulsive, the procedure is consistent
with Massachusetts custom. The come-outers vi^ere severely punished, but their
offence was great: the New England magistrates were "just asses," they declared,
and denunciation and contempt were poured out upon what the colonists revered.
There was danger that Gorton might secure a numerous following. In England,
at last, he found a tolerance such as New England was not yet ready to grant.
^ The liberality of Maryland contrasts remarkably with the narrowness of
Massachusetts. For a consideration of Maryland toleration see John Fiske,
Old Virginia and her Neighbors, I. 319.
1643] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 151
died, arrived here in a man of war of about 100 tons, set forth
by the Earl of Warwick. He came hither for planters for
Trinidado, (Mr. Humfrey having told the Earl that he might be
supphed from hence,) but here was not any that would enter
upon that voyage, etc. So La Tour having a pinnace here at
the same time, they hired Captain Chaddock for two months at
200 pounds the month, partly to convoy the pinnace home
from the danger of D'Aulnay his vessels, and partly for other
service against D'Aulnay there. But when they came, they
found D'Aulnay gone into France, and a new fort raised at
Port Royal, and a pinnace ready to go forth to trade, so they
kept her in so long till the season was over and his two months
out, and then he returned to Boston. When he was come in
near the town, his men going up upon the main yard to hand
in the sail, the main tie brake, and the yard faUing down shook
off five men into the sea, and though it were calm and smooth
water, yet not having their boat out, three of them were
drowned. One of these had taken some things out of the de-
serted castle, as they went out. Notwithstanding this sad
accident, yet so soon as they came on shore, they fell to drink-
ing, etc., and that evening, the captain and his master being at
supper and having drank too much, the captain began to speak
evil of the country, swearing fearfully, that we were a base
heathen people. His master answered that he had no reason
to say so, for it was the best place that ever he came in. Upon
these and other speeches the captain arose and drew his sword,
and the master drew forth his pistol, but the company staying
them from doing any mischief, the captain swarc blood and
wounds he would kill him. For this they were brought before
the court, and the captain fined 20 pounds and committed to
the marshal till he gave security for it. The master for that
he was in drink, as he ingenuously acknowledged, etc., was
fined only 10 shillings, but was set at liberty from the captain,
who had formerly misused other of his men, and was a very
proud and intemperate man. But because the ship was the
152 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1643
Earl of Warwick's, who had always been forward to do good
to our colony, we wrote to him, that the fine should be reserved
to be at his lordship's disposing, when he should please to
command or call for it. See the next page.
10. (December) 27.] By order of the general court all the
magistrates and the teaching elders of the six nearest churches
were appointed to be forever governors of the college, and this
day they met at Cambridge and considered of the officers of the
college, and chose a treasurer, H. Pelham, Esq., being the first
in that office.
This day five ships set sail from Boston ; three of them were
built here, two of 300 tons and the other of 160. One of them
was bound for London with many passengers, men of chief
rank in the country, and great store of beaver. Their adven-
ture was very great, considering the doubtful estate of the
affairs of England, but many prayers of the churches went
with them and followed after them.
1644
11. (January) 2.] Captain Chaddock having bought from
the French a pinnace of about 30 tons, (which La Tour sold
him for a demiculverin and was the same which was taken before
from D'AuInay,) he had manned and fitted her to go in her
to Trinidado, and riding before Boston ready to depart, and
eight men aboard her, one striking fire with a pistol, two bar-
rels of powder took fire and blew her up : five of the men being
in the cabin were destroyed, and the other three being in the
other part were much scorched and hurt, but got into their
boat and were saved. The captain himself was then on shore
at Boston. It is observable that these men making no use of
the sudden loss of three of their company, but falling to drink-
ing, etc., that very evening this judgment came thus upon
them. It is also to be observed that two vessels have thus been
blown up in our harbor, and both belonging to such as despised
us and the ordinance of God amongst us. See more, page
[blank].
About this time Captain Daniel Patrick was killed at Stam-
ford by a Dutchman, who shot him dead with a pistol. This
captain was entertained by us out of Holland (where he was a
common soldier of the Prince's guard) to exercise our men.
We made him a captain, and maintained him. After, he was
admitted a member of the church of Watertown and a freeman.
But he grew very proud and vicious, for though he had a wife
of his own, a good Dutch woman and comely, yet he despised
her and followed after other women; and perceiving that he
was discovered, and that such evil courses would not be en-
dured here, and being withal of a vain and unsettled disposi-
tion, he went from us, and sat down within twenty miles of
the Dutch, and put himself under their protection, and joined
153
154 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
to their church, without being dismissed from Watertown : but
when the Indians arose in those parts, he fled to Stamford and
there was slain. The Dutchman who killed him was appre-
hended, but made an escape; and this was the fruit of his
wicked course and breach of covenant with his wife, with the
church, and with that state who had called him and maintained
him, and he found his death from that hand where he sought
protection. It is observable that he was killed upon the Lord's
day in the time of afternoon exercise (for he seldom went to
the pubhc assemblies). It was in Captain Underhill's house.
The Dutchman had charged him with treachery, for causing
120 men to come to him upon his promise to direct them to
the Indians, etc., but deluded them. Whereupon the captain
gave him ill language and spit in his face, and turning to go
out, the Dutchman shot him behind in the head, so he fell
down dead and never spake. The murderer escaped out of
custody.
10. (December) S.f The Hopewell, a ship of Boston, about
60 tons, arrived ; the freight was wines, pitch, sugar, ginger, etc.
She had her lading at Palma an island near Teneriffe. The
Spaniards used our people courteously, but put them to give
security by some English merchants residing there to discharge
their cargoes at Boston, for they would not have the Portugals
of the Madeiras to have any goods from them.^ She performed
her voyage in four months. She went a second voyage thither
soon after, but was never heard of. Her lading was corn in
bulk.
At this time came over Thomas Morton, our professed old
adversary, who had set forth a book against us, and written
reproachful and menacing letters to some of us.^
Some of Watertown began a plantation at Martin's Vine-
yard beyond Cape Cod, and divers famiUes going thither, they
*7. e., December 3, 1643.
* Portugal had revolted from Spain, and war existed between the two.
' Thomas Morton of Merry Momit, author of the New English Canaan.
1644] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 155
procured a young man, one Mr. Green, a scholar, to be their
minister, in hopes soon to gather a church there. He went
not.
Others of the same town began also a plantation at Nasha-
way' some 15 miles N. W. from Sudbmy.
11. {January) 18.] About midnight, three men, coming
in a boat to Boston, saw two hghts arise out of the water near
the north point of the town cove, in form like a man, and
went at a small distance to the town, and so to the south point,
and there vanished away. They saw them about a quarter
of an hour, being between the town and the governor's garden.
The like was seen by many, a week after, arising about Castle
Island and in one fifth of an hour came to John Gallop's point.
The country being weary of the charge of maintaining Castle
Island, the last general court made an order to have it de-
serted and the ordnance fetched away; but Boston and other
towns in the bay finding that thereupon the masters of some
ships which came from England took occasion to slight us and
to offer injury to our people, having liberty to ride and go out
under no command, and considering also how easily any of
our towns in the bay might be surprised, we having no strength
without to stop them or to give notice of an enemy, they chose
certain men out of the several towns who met at Boston to
consider of some course of repairing and maintaining it at their
proper charge: but the difficulty was, how to do it without
offence to the general court who had ordered the deserting of
it, etc.
The 18th of this month two fights were seen near Boston,
(as is before mentioned,) and a week after the fike was seen
again. A fight like the moon arose about the N. E. point in
Boston, and met the former at Nottles Island, and there they
closed in one, and then parted, and closed and parted divers
times, and so went over the hill in the island and vanished.
Sometimes they shot out flames and sometimes sparkles. This
* Now Lancaster, Mass.
156 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
was about eight of the clock in the evening, and was seen by
many. About the same time a voice was heard upon the
water between Boston and Dorchester, calHng out in a most
dreadful manner, boy, boy, come away, come away: and it
suddenly shifted from one place to another a great distance,
about twenty times. It was heard by divers godly persons.
About 14 days after, the same voice in the same dreadful man-
ner was heard by others on the other side of the town towards
Not ties Island.
These prodigies having some reference to the place where
Captain Chaddock's pinnace was blown up a httle before, gave
occasion of speech of that man who was the cause of it, who
professed himself to have skill in necromancy, and to have
done some strange things in his way from Virginia hither, and
was suspected to have murdered his master there; but the
magistrates here had not notice of him till after he was blown
up. This is to be observed that his fellows were all found, and
others who were blown up in the former ship were also found,
and others also who have miscarried by drowning, etc., have
usually been found, but this man was never found.
12. (February) 5.] Cutshamekin, and Agawam, and Josias,
Chickatabot his heir, came to the governor, and in their own
name and the names of all the sachems of Watchusett,* and all
the Indians from Merrimack to Tecticutt,^ tendered themselves
to our government, and gave the governor a present of 30
fathom of wampom, and offered to come to the next court to
make their acknowledgment, etc. The governor received their
present to keep it till the court, etc., and if the court and they
did agree, then to accept it. We now began to conceive hope
that the Lord's time was at hand for opening a door of hght
and grace to those Indians, and some fruit appeared of our kind
deahng with Pumham and Sacononoco, protecting them against
the Narragansett, and righting them against Gorton, etc., who
had taken away their land : for this example gave encourage-
* Princeton. * Taunton.
1644] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 157
ment to all these Indians to come in and submit to our govern-
ment, in expectation of the like protection and benefit.
16.] Pesacus, the Narragansett sachem, sent again a mes-
sage to the governor with another present by Washose, a
sachem who came before, and his errand was, that seeing they,
at our request, had sitten still this year, that now this next year
we would grant their request, and suffer them to fight with
Onkus, with many arguments. The governor refused his
present, and told him that if they sent us 1000 fathom of
wampom and 1000 skins, yet we would not do that which we
judged to be unjust, viz. to desert Onkus, but our resolution
was, and that they must rest upon, that if they made war upon
Onkus, the English would all fall upon them.
1. (March) 23.] The Trial (the first ship built in Boston)
being about 160 tons, Mr. Thomas Graves, an able and a godly
man, master of her, was sent to Bilboa in the 4th month last,
with fish, which she sold there at a good rate, and from thence
she freighted to Malaga, and arrived here this day laden with
wine, fruit, oil, iron, and wool, which was a great advantage to
the country, and gave encouragement to trade. So soon as she
was fitted (3.) (May) she was set forth again to trade with La
Tour, and so along the eastern coast towards Canada.
One Mr. Rigby, a lawyer and a parliament man, wealthy
and religious, had purchased the Plough Patent lying at Sagad-
ahock, and had given commission to one Mr. Cleaves, as his
deputy, to govern the people there, etc. He, landing at Boston,
and knowing how distasteful this would be to the governor of
Sir Ferdinand Gorges' province of New Somersetshire, who
challenged jurisdiction in a great part of Ligonia or the Plough
patent, petitioned the general court to write to them on his
behalf, but the court thought not fit so to do, but rather that
the governor should write in his own name only, which he did
accordingly. But when Mr. Cleaves came to set this commis-
sion on foot, and called a court at Casco, Mr. Richard Vines
and other of Sir Ferdinand Gorges' commissioners opposed,
158 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
and called another court at Saco the same time: whereupon
the inhabitants were divided; those of Casco, etc., wrote to
Mr. Vines that they would stand to the judgment of the
magistrates of the bay till it were decided in England, to
which government they should belong, and sent this letter by
one Tucker. Mr. Vines imprisoned him, and the next day took
his bond for his appearance at Saco and his good behavior.
Upon this Mr. Cleaves and the rest, about thirty persons, wrote
to our governor for assistance against Mr. Vines, and tendered
themselves to the consociation of the United -Colonies. The
governor returned answer, that he must first advise with
the commissioners of the United Colonies. And beside, they
had an order not to receive any but such as were in a church
way, etc.*
Not long after, viz. (2.) (April) 24, Mr. Vines came to Boston
with a letter from himself and the other of Sir F. Gorges' com-
missioners, and other inhabitants of the province, between 20
and 30.
Three fishermen of a boat belonging to Isle of Shoals were
very profane men, and scomers of religion, and were drinking
all the Lord's day, and the next week their boat was cast upon
the rocks at the Isle of Shoals, and they drowned.
There was little rain this winter, and no snow till the 3d of
the 1st month, the wind continuing W. and N. W. near six
weeks, which was an occasion that very many houses were
burned down, and much chattels (in some of them) to a greater
value than in 14 years before.
1. (March) 7.] Boston, Charlestown, Roxbury, Dorchester,
Cambridge, and Watertown, conceiving that the want of fortifi-
cation at Castle Island would leave them open to an enemy,
appointed a committee to consider how it might be fortified,
and coming to some conclusion about it, they advised with the
' The arrival of the Plough with the "Husbandmen", who were to occupy a
tract at Casco Bay, afterward called Ligonia, and the Plough Patent, are de-
scribed in Vol. I., p. 65, note 2.
1644] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 159
governor and some other of the magistrates, who encouraged
them in it, as the elders also did in their sermons ; but because
the general court had given order for fetching off the ordnance,
etc., it was thought fit not to attempt any thing without the
advice of the same. It fell out also that five of the neighboring
Indian sachems came at the same time to the governor with a
present of wampom about 30 fathom, worth some 8 pounds, and
desired to come under our government as Pumham and Sacono-
noco had done. For these two occasions the governor sum-
moned a general court to be held at Boston this day, (the court
of assistants being to begin the 5th day before,) where the
committees of the said six towns exhibited a petition for fortify-
ing of the said Island, craving help also from the country,
though they had agreed to do it at their own charge rather than
fail. The court refusing to undertake it, they gave in certain
propositions whereby they craved some aid, at least for main-
taining of the garrison, and some privileges and immunities.
These coming to be debated in the court, some opposition there
was, which had almost discouraged the committee. The argu-
ments brought against it were chiefly these. 1. The great
charge. 2. The little help it could afford against a strong
enemy. 3. The opportunity left of another passage by Bird
Island. But these objections were so far removed, as after
much debate, the court voted for the fortification, and granted
100 poimds pay for the maintenance of it, when it should be in
defence and a garrison of 20 men residing there ; and 50 pounds
towards the securing the other passage. And a committee was
appointed to draw up a commission for him who should have
command in chief, etc. But this allowance was yielded rather
out of a willingness to gratify these six towns (being near one
half of the commonwealth for number of people and substance)
and to keep loving correspondency among all the towns, rather
than out of any confidence of safety by it. Many also of good
judgment did conceive that the fortifications would not be
accomphshed according to the dimensions propounded, nor
160 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
so great a garrison maintained, for the people were known
generally to be more willing and forward in such public en-
gagements, than able, upon trial, to perform them : for in such
cases, the major part, which carries the vote, is of such as can
afford least help to the work.
The court finding that Gorton and his company did harm in
the towns where they were confined, and not knowing what to
do with them, at length agreed to set them at liberty, and gave
them 14 days to depart out of our jurisdiction in all parts, and
no more to come into it upon pain of death. This censure was
thought too light and favorable, but we knew not how in justice
we could inflict any punishment upon them, the sentence of the
court being already passed, etc.
At this court Cutshamekin and squaw sachem, Masconono-
co, Nashacowam, and Wassamagoin, two sachems near the
great hill to the west called Wachusett, came into the court, and
according to their former tender to the governor, desired to be
received under our protection and government upon the same
terms that Pumham and Sacononoco were ; so we causing them
to understand the articles, and all the ten commandments of
God, and they freely assenting to all, they were solemnly re-
ceived, and then presented the court with 26 fathom more of
wampom, and the court gave each of them a coat of two yards
of cloth, and their dinner; and to them and their men every of
them a cup of sack at their departure, so they took leave and
went away very joyful.
At this court came letters from New Haven, and withal an
answer from the Swedes and Dutch to the letters of the com-
missioners of the union, sent in the 7th month last. The
Dutch still maintained their right to the land at Hartford, and
their complaint of injuries. The Swedes denied what they
had been charged with, and sent copies of divers examinations
upon oath taken in the cause, with a copy of all the proceeding
between them and our friends of New Haven from the first;
and in their letters used large expressions of their respect to
1644] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 161
the English, and particularly to our colony. And Mr. Eaton
desired a copy of •our patent to show the Swedish governor
(at his request) and a new commission from the commissioners
of the union, allowing them to go on with their plantation and
trade in Delaware river and bay (for the governor had told
their agent that upon such a commission they should have Ub-
erty, etc.). This coming at the sitting of the general court, the
commissioners advised with the court about it, who granted
both, but the commission with a salvo jure: we were then in-
formed also of a Dutch ship lately arrived at Hudson's river
sent to the free boors at Fort Orange,' which brought them
4,000 weight of powder, and 700 pieces to trade with the
natives, which the Dutch governor having notice of, did seize
and confiscate to the use of the company.
We had the news also that the Dutch had entertained Cap-
tain Underbill, who with 120 men, Dutch and English, had
killed 120 Indians upon Long Island, and 300 more upon the
main, which was found to be a plot of the Dutch governor to
engage the English in that quarrel with the Indians, which we
had wholly declined, as doubting of the justice of the cause.
At this court of assistants one James Britton , a man ill
affected both to our church discipline and civil government, and
one Mary Latham, a proper young woman about 18 years of
age, whose father was a godly man and had brought her up
well, were condemned to die for adultery, upon a law formerly
made and published in print. It was thus occasioned and
discovered. This woman, being rejected by a young man
whom she had an affection unto, vowed she would marry the
next that came to her, and accordingly, against her friends'
minds, she matched with an ancient man who had neither
honesty nor ability, and one whom she had no affection unto.
• Fort Orange was later Albany. For a late and clear account of the rela-
tions of the Dutch and English colony, see John Fiske, Dutch and English Colonies
in America, I., chap. ix. ; for the fortunes of the Swedish colony on the Delaware,
see same volume, p. 277. "Freeboors," vrije hoeren, means the free settlers, as
distinguished from the feudal tenants of the adjoining colony of Rensselaerswyck.
162 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1644
Whereupon, soon after she was married, divers young men
soUcited her chastity, and drawing her into bad company,
and giving her wine and other gifts, easily prevailed with her,
and among others this Britton. But God smiting him with a
deadly palsy and fearful horror of conscience withal, he could
not keep secret, but discovered this, and other the like with
other women, and was forced to acknowledge the justice of
God in that having often called others fools, etc., for confessing
against themselves, he was now forced to do the like. The
woman dwelt now in Pljonouth patent, and one of the magis-
trates there, hearing she was detected, etc., sent her to us.
Upon her examination, she confessed he did attempt the fact,
but did not commit it, and witness was produced that testified
(which they both confessed) that in the evening of a day of
humiliation through the coimtry for England, etc., a company
met at Britton's and there continued drinking sack, etc., till
late in the night, and then Britton and the woman were seen
upon the ground together, a little from the house. It was re-
ported also that she did frequently abuse her husband, setting
a knife to his breast and threatening to kill him, calHng him
old rogue and cuckold, and said she would make him wear
horns as big as a bull. And yet some of the magistrates
thought the evidence not sufficient against her, because there
were not two direct witnesses; but the jury cast her, and then
she confessed the fact, and accused twelve others, whereof two
were married men. Five of these were apprehended and com-
mitted, (the rest were gone,) but denying it, and there being no
other witness against them than the testimony of a con-
demned person, there could be no proceeding against them.
The woman proved very penitent, and had deep apprehension
of the foulness of her sin, and at length attained to hope of
pardon by the blood of Christ, and was wilHng to die in satis-
faction to justice. The man also was very much cast down for
his sins, but was loth to die, and petitioned the general court
for his life, but they would not grant it, though some of the
1644] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 163
magistrates spake much for it, and questioned the letter,
whether adultery was death by God's law now/ This Britton
had been a professor in England, but coming hither he opposed
oiu" church government, etc., and grew dissolute, losing both
power and profession of godliness.
1. (March) 21.] They were both executed, they both died
very penitently, especially the woman, who had some com-
fortable hope of pardon of her sin, and gave good exhortation
to all young maids to be obedient to their parents, and to take
heed of evil company, etc.
The Earl of Warwick and other lords, etc., being appointed
by the parliament commissioners for regulating the West In-
dies and all other Enghsh plantations in America, sent com-
mission to Virginia to free them from all former taxations and
all other charges but such as should be needful for their own
occasions, and gave them hberty to choose their own governor;
and sent command to all English ships there (which were
then to the number of sixteen, most of them great ships) to
assist them if need were. But the king sending a counter-
mand to Sir Robert Berkley, the governor, he withstood
the parliament's commissioners, and drew most of the other
magistrates to take oath upon the sacrament to maintain the
king's authority, etc., so that the whole country was like to
rise in parties, some for the king, and others for the parUament.'
A proposition was made this court for all the English within
the united colonies to enter into a civil agreement for the
maintenance of religion and our civil liberties, and for yielding
some more of the freeman's privileges to such as were no
* The death penalty was provided in the "Body of Liberties."
^ Sir William Berkeley (not Robert) the ultra cavalier, who thus in Virginia
upholds the King in opposition to the Houses, is the official who writes, " I thank
God there are no free schools nor printing, and I hope we shall not have these
hundred years." The Civil War was now at its height, just before the battle of
Marston Moor, and naturally there were echoes of it in the colonies. For a
description of Virginia conditions see L. G. Tyler, England in America (" Amer-
ican Nation" series), chaps, v., vi.
164 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
church members that should join in this government. But
nothing was concluded, but referred to next court, and in the
mean time, that letters should be written to the other colonies
to advise with them about it. Nothing was effected for want
of opportunity of meeting, etc.
At the same court in the first month, upon the motion of the
deputies, it was ordered that the court should be divided in
their consultations, the magistrates by themselves, and the
deputies by themselves, what the one agreed upon they should
send to the other, and if both agreed, then to pass, etc. This
order determined the great contention about the negative voice.*
Divers of the merchants of Boston being desirous to discover
the great lake, supposing it to lie in the north-west part of our
patent, and finding that the great trade of beaver, which came
to all the eastern and southern parts, came from thence, peti-
tioned the court to be a company for that design, and to have
the trade which they should discover, to themselves for twenty-
one years. The court was very unwilling to grant any mo-
nopoly, but perceiving that without it they would not proceed,
granted their desire; whereupon, having also commission
granted them under the public seal, (3) and letters from the
governor to the Dutch and Swedish governors, they sent out a
pinnace well manned and furnished with provisions and trading
stuff, which was to sail up Delaware river so high as they could
go, and then some of the company, under the conduct of Mr.
Wilham Aspenwall, a good artist, and one who had been in
those parts, to pass by small skiffs or canoes up the river so far
as they could.
Many of Watertown and other towns joined in the planta-
tion at Nashaway, and having called a young man, an uni-
versity scholar, one Mr. Norcross, to be their minister, seven
*The momentous issue of "the sow business" is here noted. Another
important business of the present court Winthrop fails to notice, — the gathering
of the Massachusetts townships into the four counties of SuflFolk, Norfolk, Essex,
and Middlesex. Records of Massachusetts, II. 38,
1644] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 165
of them, who were no members of any chm-ches, were desirous
to gather into a church estate ; but the magistrates and elders
advised them first to go and build them habitations, etc., (for
there was yet no house there,) and then to take some that were
members of other churches, with the consent of such churches,
as formerly had been done, and so proceed orderly. But the
persons interested in this plantation, being most of them poor
men, and some of them corrupt in judgment, and others pro-
fane, it went on very slowly, so as that in two years they had
not three houses built there, and he whom they had called to
be their minister left them for their delays.
One Dalkin and his wife dwelling near Meadford coming
from Cambridge, where they had spent their Sabbath, and
being to pass over the river at a ford, the tide not being fallen
enough, the husband adventured over, and finding it too deep,
persuaded his wife to stay a while, but it raining very sore,
she would needs adventure over, and was carried away with the
stream past her depth. Her husband not daring to go help her,
cried out, and thereupon his dog, being at his house near by,
came forth, and seeing something in the water, swam to her,
and she caught hold on the dog's tail, so he drew her to the
shore and saved her life.
At the general court (8.) (October) 4. there came a letter to
the governor from Mr. AVheelwright, (who was now moved
from Exeter to Wells, near Cape Porpoise, where he was pastor
of a church,) the contents whereof were as followeth: —
Right WoRsmPFUL.
Upon the long and mature consideration of things, I perceive that
the main difference between yourselves and some of the reverend elders
and me, in point of justification and the evidencing thereof, is not of that
nature and consequence as was then presented to me in the false glass of
Satan's temptations and mine own distempered passions, which makes me
unfeignedly sorry that I had such an hand in those sharp and vehement
contentions raised thereabouts to the great disturbance of the churches
of Christ. It is the grief of my soul that I used such vehement censorious
166 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
speeches in the application of my sermon, or in any other writing, whereby
I reflected any dishonor upon your worships, the reverend elders, or any of
contrary judgment to myself. It repents me that I did so much adhere
to persons of corrupt judgment, to the countenancing of them in any of
their errors or evil practices, though I intended no such thing; and that
in the synod I used such unsafe and obscure expressions falling from me
as a man dazzled with the buffetings of Satan, and that I did appeal from
misapprehension of things. I confess that herein I have done very sin-
fully, and do humbly crave pardon of this honored state. If it shall
appear to me, by scripture light, that in any carriage, word, writing, or
action, I have walked contrary to rule, I shall be ready, by the grace of
God, to give satisfaction: thus hoping that you will pardon my boldness,
I humbly take leave of your worship, committing you to the good provi-
dence of the Almighty; and ever remain, your worship's in all service
to be commanded in the Lord.
J. Wheelwright.
Wells, (7) 10-43.'
Upon this letter the court was very well inclined to release
his banishment; and thereupon ordered that he might have a
safe conduct to come to the court, etc. Hereof the governor
certified him by letter, and received this answer from him.
Right Worshipful.
I have received the letter wherein you signify to me that you have
imparted my letter to the honorable court, and that it finds good applause,
for which I rejoice with much thankfulness. I am very thankful to your
worship for the letter of safe conduct which I formerly received, as like-
wise for the late act of court, granting me the same liberty in case I desire
letters to that end. I should very willingly, upon letters received, express
by word of mouth openly in court, that which I did by writing, might I,
without offence, explain my true intent and meaning more fully to this
effect : that notwithstanding my failings, for which I humbly crave pardon,
yet I cannot with a good conscience condemn myself for such capital
crimes, dangerous revelations and gross errors, as have been charged upon
me, the concurrence of which (as I take it) make up the very substance of
the cause of all my sufferings. I do not see, but in so mixt a cause I am
bound to use, may it be permitted, my just defence so far as I apprehend
»/. e., September 10, 1643.
1644] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 167
myself to be innocent, as to make my confession where I am convinced of
any delinquency; otherwise I shall seemingly and in appearance fall under
guilt of many heinous offences, for which my conscience doth acquit me.
If I seem to make suit to the honorable court for relaxation to be granted,
by an act of mercy, upon my sole confession, I must offend my conscience;
if by an act of justice, upon mine apology and lawful defence, I fear lest
I shall offend your worships. I leave all things to your wise and godly
consideration, hoping that you will pardon my simplicity and plainness
which I am forced unto by the power of an over-ruling conscience. I
rest your worship's in the Lord.
J. Wheelwright.
Wells, (1) 1-43.^
To this the governor replied to this effect, viz., that though
his liberty might be obtained without his personal appearance,
yet that was doubtful, nor did he conceive that a wise and
modest apology would prejudice the acceptance of his free and
ingenuous confession, seeing the latter would justify the sen-
tence of the court, which looked only at his action, and yet by
the former, he might maintain the Hberty of his conscience in
clearing his intention from those ill deserving crimes which the
court apprehended by his action: and withal (because there
might want opportunity of conveyance before the court) he
sent him inclosed a safe conduct, etc. The next court released
his banishment without his appearance.'
3. {May) 20.] A ship coming from Virginia certified us of
a great massacre lately committed by the natives upon the
EngUsh there, to the number of 300 at least, and that an Indian
whom they had since taken confessed, that they did it because
they saw the English took up all their lands from them, and
would drive them out of the country, and they took this season
for that they understood that they were at war in England, and
^I. e., March 1, 1643/4.
^ The restoration of this able man to the colonies was a great benefit. In
later life he went to England, where he is said to have been in high favor with
Cromwell. Returning, he survived till 1680, being at his death the oldest minister
in the country.
168 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1644
began to go to war among themselves, for they had seen a fight
in the river between a London ship which was for the parlia-
ment and a Bristol ship which was for the king. He confessed
further that all the Indians within 600 miles were confederate
together to root all strangers out of the country.
It was very observable that this massacre came upon them
soon after they had driven out the godly ministers we had sent
to them, and had made an order that all such as would not con-
form to the discipline of the church of England should depart
the country by a certain day,* which the massacre now pre-
vented : and the governor (one Sir Robert Berkeley, a courtier,
and very malignant towards the way of our churches here) and
coimcil had appointed a fast to be kept through the country
upon good Friday (as they call it) for the good success of the
king, etc., and, the day before, this massacre began in the out-
parts of the country round about, and continued two days, for
they killed all, by sudden surprisal, living amongst them, and
as familiar in their houses as those of the family. This mas-
sacre was accompanied with a great mortality. Upon these
troubles divers godly disposed persons came from thence to
New England, and many of the rest were forced to give glory
to God in acknowledging, that this evil was sent upon them
from God for their reviling the gospel and those faithful minis-
ters he had sent among them.^
A letter came to the governor, under the marks of Pesecus
and Canonicus, the sachem of Narragansett, but written by
Gorton's company, to this effect : That they were purposed to
make war upon Onkus in revenge of the death of Onkus^ and
others of their people whom he had slain, and that they mar-
velled why we should be against it ; that they had put them-
* The act may be seen in Hening, Statutes of Virginia, I. 277.
^ Among these refugees from Virginia was probably Daniel Gookin, after-
ward major-general, honorably distinguished in various ways, and especially for
his humane spirit toward the Indians at a time when humanity could not be
shown without risk.
^ For Uncas must be read Miantonomo.
1644] JOHN ExNDICOTT, GOVERNOR 169
selves under the government and protection of the king of
England, and so were now become our fellow-subjects, and
therefore if any difference should fall between us and them, it
ought to be referred to him ; professing withal their willingness
to continue all friendly correspondency with us.
The general court being assembled, when Mr. Endecott was
chosen governor^ and Mr. Winthrop deputy governor, they
took this letter into consideration, together with another from
Gorton's company to the same effect, and sent two mes-
sengers to the Narragansetts with instructions to this purpose,
viz. to know whether they did own that letter, etc., and by
whose advice they had done as they wrote, and why they would
countenance and take counsel from such evil men, and such as
we had banished from us and to persuade them to sit still, and
to have more regard to us than such as Gorton, etc. ^Vhen our
messengers came to them, Canonicus would not admit them
into his wigwam for two hours, but suffered them to stay in the
rain. When he did admit them, he lay along upon his couch,
and would not speak to them more than a few f roward speeches,
but referred them to Pesacus, who, coming after some four
hours, carried them into an ordinary wigwam, and there had
conference with them most part of the night. Their answers
were witty and full to the questions ; and their conclusion was,
that they would presently go to war upon Onkus, but not in
such manner as Miantunnomoh had done, by a great army, but
by sending out parties of 20 or more or less, to catch his men,
and keep them from getting their living, etc.
At this court Passaconaway, the Merrimack sachem, came
in and submitted to our government, as Pumham, etc. had
done before.
4. (June) 5.] Two of our ministers' sons, being students in
the college, robbed two dwelling houses in the night of some
15 pounds. Being found out, they were ordered by the
* Endicott now becomes governor for the first time, though before the formal
organization he was chief agent in the inchoate colony.
170 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
governors of the college to be there whipped, which was per-
formed by the president himself — yet they were about 20 years
of age ; and after they were brought into the court and ordered
to two fold satisfaction, or to serve so long for it. We had yet
no particular punishment for burglary/
At this court there arose some troubles by this occasion.
Those of Essex had procured at the court before, that the
deputies of the several shires should meet before this court to
prepare business, etc., which accordingly they did, and pro-
pounded divers things which they agitated and concluded
among themselves, without communicating them to the other
shires, who conceived they had been only such things as had
concerned the commonwealth, but when they came now to be
put to this court, it appeared that their chief intent was to
advantage their own shire. As, 1. By drawing the government
thither. 2. By drawing the courts thither. 3. By drawing a
good part of the country stock thither. 4. By procuring four
of those parts to be joined in commission with the magistrates.
And for this end they had made so strong a party among the
deputies of the smaller towns (being most of them mean men,
and such as had small understanding in affairs of state) as they
easily carried all these among the deputies. But when the
two bills came to the magistrates, they discerning the plot, and
finding them hurtful to the commonwealth, refused to pass
them, and a committee of both being appointed to consider
the reasons of both sides, those of the magistrates prevailed.
But the great difference was about a commission, which the
deputies sent up, whereby power was given to seven of the
magistrates and three of the deputies and Mr. Ward (some
time pastor of Ipswich, and still a preacher) to order all affairs
of the commonwealth in the vacancy of the general court, which
* The young men were the sons of Nathaniel Ward and Thomas Welde.
The latter was already in England, whither the former also returned in 1646.
Ward left the college six hundred acres of land in Andover, which he had received
from the governor, thus showing he bore no grudge for the treatment of his son.
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 171
the magistrates returned with this answer: That they con-
ceived such commission did tend to the overthrow of the
foundation of our government, and of the freemen's hberty,
and therefore desired the deputies to consider of a way how this
danger might be avoided, and the hberty of the freemen pre-
served inviolable, otherwise they could not comfortably pro-
ceed in other affairs.
Upon this return all the deputies came to confer with the
magistrates. The exceptions the magistrates took were these.
1. That this court should create general officers which the
freemen had reserved to the court of elections. 2. That they
should put out four of the magistrates from that power and
trust which the freemen had committed to them. 3. At the
commission itself, seeing they ought not to accept that power
by commission which did belong to them by the patent and by
their election. They had little to answer to this, yet they
alleged a precedent or two where this court had ordered some
of the magistrates and some others to be a council of war, and
that we had varied from our patent in some other things,
and therefore were not bound to it in this.
But they chiefly stood upon this, that the governor and
assistants had no power out of court but what was given them
by the general court. To this the magistrates replied: 1.
That such examples as w^re against rules or common right were
errors and no precedents. 2. That council was for one par-
ticular case only, and not of general extent. 3. In those
things wherein we had varied from our patent we did not touch
the foundation of our government. To the last it was said,
that the governor and assistants had power of government
before we had any written laws or had kept any courts; and
to make a man a governor over a people, gives him, by neces-
sary consequence, power to govern that people, otherwise there
were no power in any commonwealth to order, dispose, or
punish in any case where it might fall out, that there were
no positive law declared in.
172 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
It was consented to that this court had authority to order
and direct the power of these magistrates for time, place,
persons, etc., for the common good, but not wholly to deprive
them of it, their office continuing : so as these being chosen by
the people, by virtue of the patent to govern the people, a
chief part whereof consists in counsel, they are the standing
council of the commonwealth, and therefore in the vacancy of
this court, may act in all the affairs thereof without any com-
mission.
Upon this they withdrew, and after a few hours came again,
and then they tendered a commission for war only, and none
of the magistrates to be left out. But the magistrates refused
to accept of any commission, but they would consent the same
should pass by order so as the true power of the magistrates
might be declared in it : or to a commission of association, to
add three or four others to the magistrates in that council : or
to continue the court a week longer, and send for the elders to
take their advice in it; but none of these would be accepted.
But they then moved, that we would consent that nothing
might be done till the court met again, which was before
agreed to be adjourned to the 28th of (8) {October). To this
was answered, that, if occasion required, they must act accord-
ing to the power and trust committed to them; to which their
speaker replied — You will not be obeyed.'
4. (June) 23.] Two days after the court was broken up,
Pumham sent two men to Boston to tell us that the Narra-
gansetts had taken and killed six of Onkus' men and five
women, and had sent him two hands and a foot to engage him
in the war, but he refused to receive them and sent to us for
counsel, etc. This occasioned such of the magistrates and
deputies as were at hand (advising also with some of the near
elders) to meet to consult about calling the court, and agreed,
both in regard of this news from the Indians, and especially for
speedy reconciling the magistrates and deputies, to write to
' The Democracy was pressing with Anglo-Saxon sturdiness toward power.
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 173
the governor that the court might be called the 28th following,
which the governor assented unto.
The court being assembled, they took order for ten men to
be sent to Pumham according to his desire, to help him make
a fort of palisadoes, etc., but the men, being volunteers,
asked 10s. per week for each man, and such spoil as they should
get, if they were put to fight, and arms fixed and powder and
shot. Whereupon the court, fearing it would be an ill prece-
dent, staid, and sent word to Pumham that the men were
ready, but he must pay them, etc.
The commission also for the Serjeant major general was
agreed and sealed, and in it he was referred to receive his in-
structions, etc., from the council of the commonwealth, but who
were this council was not agreed. "\Micreupon the magistrates
(all save two) signed a declaration in maintenance of their au-
thority, and to clear the aspersions cast upon them, as if they
intended to bring in an arbitrary government, etc. This they
sent first to the deputies, with intimation that they intended to
publish it, whereupon the deputies sent to desire that it might
not be published, and desired a committee might meet to state
the difference between us, which was done, and the difference
was brought under this question: whether the magistrates
are by patent and election of the people the standing council
of the commonwealth in the vacancy of the general court, and
have power accordingly to act in all cases subject to govern-
ment, according to the said patent and the laws of this juris-
diction ; and when any necessary occasions call for action from
authority, in cases where there is no particular express law
provided, there to be guided by the word of God, till the general
court give particular rules in such cases? This difference
being thus stated, they drew up this following order and sent it
to us, viz.
Whereas there is a difference between the governor, assist-
ants, and deputies in this court, concerning the power of the
magistrates in the vacancy of the general court, — we there-
174 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
fore (salvo jure) for the peace and safety of this colony do con-
sent, that the governor and assistants shall take order for the
welfare of this commonwealth in all sudden cases that may
happen within our jurisdiction, until the next session of this
court, when we desire this question may be determined.
This we accepted (with the salvo jure) but we had refused
to accept of another they sent us before in these words, — we
do authorize those three which are of the standing council to
proceed, etc.
Upon this agreement the magistrates consented, that the
declaration should remain with the secretary, and not be pub-
ished without the consent of the major part of the magistrates,
which we intended not to do, except we were necessitated
thereto by the deputies' misreport of our proceedings. And
indeed some of the magistrates did decline the pubHshing
thereof, upon this apprehension, that it would cause a pubUc
breach throughout the country: and if it should come to that,
the people would fall into factions, and the non-members
would certainly take part with the magistrates, (we should
not be able to avoid it,) and this would make us and our cause,
though never so just, obnoxious to the common sort of free-
men, the issue whereof must needs have been very doubtful.*
5. (July) 2.] Mr. George Phillips was buried. He was the
first pastor of the church of Watertown, a godly man, specially
gifted, and very peaceful in his place, much lamented of his
own people and others.
Another great error the deputies committed, which also
arose out of the same false bottom, viz., the choosing one of the
younger magistrates, (though a very able man,) Mr. Bradstreet,^
* The theocracy, in which a privileged body exercised a power that was op-
pressive, the people, except the church members, being without franchise, was
not a polity agreeable to Englishmen. In 1665 came what Brooks Adams calls
the "Emancipation of Massachusetts," with a form of government much freer
and better, though introduced under the auspices of the restored Stuarts.
^ Simon Bradstreet, already useful and distinguished, and destined to become
more so, was born in 1603, and received part of his education at Emmanuel
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 175
and one of the deputies, Mr. Hathome, (the principal man in
all these agitations,) a young man also, to be commissioners for
the united colonies; both eastern men, quite out of the way
of opportunity of correspondency with the other confederates ;
whereas all the rest had chosen either their governors or other
chief magistrates; and ourselves had formerly chosen the
governor and Mr. Dudley. Thus usual it is for one error in
state to beget others.
This also was a failing in them, that, when the governor of
Plymouth (our brethren and confederates) wrote earnestly to
us, in their great want of powder, to supply them out of our
store, and the magistrates had granted them two barrels, the
deputies stopped it, and would not consent they might have
Hberty to buy for their money.
Those also of Aquiday Island, being in great fear of the In-
dians, wrote to us for some powder and other ammunition,
but the court was then adjourned; and because the depu-
ties had denied our confederates, the magistrates thought
not fit to supply them: but certainly it was an error (in
state policy at least) not to support them, for though they
were desperately erroneous and in such distraction among
themselves as portended their ruin, yet if the Indians should
prevail against them, it would be a great advantage to the
Indians, and danger to the whole country by the arms, etc.,
that would there be had, and by the loss of so many per-
sons and so much cattle and other substance belonging to
above 120 families. Or, if they should be forced to seek pro-
tection from the Dutch, who would be ready to accept them,
it would be a great inconvenience to all the EngUsh to have
College, Cambridge, before his immigration. He performed a noble service
ten years later in opposing a war by New England against the New Netherlands,
the English Commonwealth at the time being engaged in their unfortunate struggle
with Holland. He was elected, as one of the best men of the colony, to accompany
John Norton to England, to establish good relations after the Restoration. He
died, full of years and honors, in 1697. At this time Bradstreet and Hathome
lived respectively at Ipswich and Salem.
176 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1644
so considerable a place in the power of strangers so potent as
they are.
Another error also was this, that, when by the articles of con-
federation we were bound, if any of our confederates upon any
pressing occasion should send to us for aid, we should forthwith
send them such a number of men as is agreed upon in the
articles, yet the deputies would not consent, that upon any
such occasion the magistrates should raise any man, without
calling a general court, which would put the country to great
charge, and might occasion the loss of the opportunity; and
when they should be assembled, there would be no use of coun-
cil, the thing being already determined by the articles of con-
federation.
5. (July) 15.] Upon the earnest importunity of Pumham
who feared the Narragansetts because of their threatenings,
that it might really appear that we did own them and would
protect them, we sent 10 men and an officer, a discreet man,
to command them, and gave them commission to stay there
one, two, or three days, as etc., with charge not to enter into
the Hmits of the Narragansett, nor to provoke them, etc. , and
if they were forced, to defend themselves, yet they should not
pursue the enemy, if he retired, etc.
Two new ships, one of 250 [tons], built at Cambridge, the
other of 200, built at Boston, set sail towards the Canaries
laden with pipe staves, fish, etc.
The court, breaking up in haste, (it being on the evening of
the fast appointed,) gave order to the magistrates in the bay to
return answer to the Dutch governor's letter of (12) (February)
11. which accordingly was done, to this effect, viz., Gratulation
of his respect and correspondency with us, manifestation of
our good will to him, and desire of continuance of all friendly
intercourse, etc., — aclmowledging that he had largely and
prudently discoursed of the matters in difference: but we are
also to attend the allegations on the other part. But seeing
proofs were not yet had on either side, he could expect no
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 177
further answer than before: but if he would please to send
commissioners to Hartford to treat with the commissioners
for the colonies, it would be veiy acceptable, and a hopeful
means to prepare for a good issue.
Anabaptistry increased and spread in the country, which oc-
casioned the magistrates, at the last court, to draw an order for
banishing such as continued obstinate after due conviction.
This was sent to the elders, who approved of it with some miti-
gations, and being voted, and sent to the deputies, it was after
pubhshed/
A poor man of Hingham, one Painter, who had hved at
New Haven and at Rowley and Charlestown, and been scan-
dalous and burdensome by his idle and troublesome behavior
to them all, was now on the sudden turned anabaptist, and
having a child bom, he would not suffer his wife to bring it to
the ordinance of baptism, for she was a member of the church,
though himself were not. Being presented for this, and en-
joined to suffer the child to be baptized, he still refusing, and
disturbing the church, he was again brought to the court
not only for his former contempt, but also for saying that
our baptism was antichristian ; and in the open court he
affirmed the same. Wliereupon after much patience and clear
conviction of his error, etc., because he was very poor, so as no
other but corporal punishment could be fastened upon him, he
was ordered to be whipped, not for his opinion, but for re-
proaching the Lord's ordinance, and for his bold and evil beha-
vior both at home and in the com't. He endured his punish-
ment with much obstinacy, and when he was loosed, he said
boastingly, that God had marvellously assisted him. ^Vhere-
upon two or three honest men, his neighbors, affirmed before
all the company, that he was of very loose behavior at home,
' Though Winthrop now connived at such intolerance, later he is said to have
grown wiser. When pressed on his death-bed by Dudley to sign an order ban-
ishing a heterodox offender, he is said to have replied: " I have done too much of
that work already." Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts Bay, I. 142.
178 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1644
and given much to lying and idleness, etc. Nor had he any-
great occasion to gather God's assistance from his stillness
under the punishment, which 'was but moderate, for divers
notorious malefactors had showed the like, and one the same
court.
5. (July) 15.] Here arrived Monsieur La Tour, who under-
stood by letters from his lady, that Monsieur D'Aulnay had
prevailed against him in France, and was coming with great
strength to subdue him: whereupon he came to desire some
aid, if need should be.
Natascott being formerly made a town, and having now
twenty houses and a minister, was by the last general court
named Hull.
At this court Captain Jenyson, captain of the miUtary
company in Watertown, an able man who had been there from
the first settHng of that town, having a year before, (being then
a deputy,) in private conference, questioned the lawfulness of
the parliament's proceeding in England, was sent for by the
deputies, and examined about it, and after before the magis-
trates. He ingenuously confessed his scruple, but took offence,
that being a church member, and in pubHc office, he should be
openly produced merely for matter of judgment, not having
been first dealt with in private, either in a church way or by
some of the magistrates, which seemed to some of the court to
have been a failing. The court was unwilling to turn him out
of place, having been a very useful man, etc., yet not seeing
how he might be trusted, being of that judgment, yet professing
that he was assured that those of the parliament side were the
more godly and honest part of the kingdom, and that though,
if he were in England, he should be doubtful whether he might
take their part against their prince, yet, if the king or any
party from him should attempt any thing against this common-
wealth, he should make no scruple to spend estate and Ufe and
all in our defence against them, he was dismissed to further con-
sideration ; and the court being broken up, he came soon after
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 179
to some of the magistrates and told them, that this questioning
in the court had occasioned him to search further into the
point, and he was now satisfied that the parhament's cause was
good, and if he were in England he would assist in defence of it.^
The contentions in Hampton were gro^vn to a great height,
the whole town was divided into two factions, one with Mr.
Batchellor their late pastor, and the other with Mr. Dalton their
teacher, both men very passionate, and wanting discretion and
moderation. Their differences were not in matters of opinion,
but of practice. Mr. Dalton's party being the most of the
church, and so freemen, had great advantage of the other,
though a considerable party, and some of them of the church
also, whereby they carried all affairs both in church and town
according to their own minds, and not with that respect to
their brethren and neighbors which had been fit. Divers meet-
ings had been both of magistrates and elders, and parties had
been reconciled, but brake out presently again, each side being
apt to take fire upon any provocation. WTiereupon Mr. Batch-
ellor was advised to remove, and was called to Exeter, whither
he intended to go, but they being divided, and at great differ-
ence also, when one party had appointed a day of humiliation
to gather a new church, and call Mr. Batchellor, the court sent
order to stop it, for they considered they were not in a fit
condition for such a work, and beside, Mr. Batchellor had been
in three places before, and through his means, as was supposed,
the churches fell to such divisions, as no peace could be till he
was removed. And at this court there came petition against
petition both from Hampton and Exeter ; whereupon the court
ordered two or three magistrates to be sent to Hampton with
full power to hear and determine all differences there.
At Wenham also there was a public assembly for gather-
ing a church, but the magistrates and elders present, finding
upon trial, that the persons appointed were not fit for
* The better prospects of the ParHament, now helped by Scotland, made
concealment of sympathy with it no longer necessary.
180 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
foundation stones, they advised them not to proceed, which
they obeyed.
4. and 5 {June and July).] About this time, Mr. Vines of
Saco, Mr. Short of Pemaquid, and Mr. Wannerton of Pascata-
quack, went to La Tour to call for some debts, etc. In their
way they put in at Penobscott, and were there detained pris-
oners a few days; but after, for Mr. Short's sake, to whom
D'Aulnay was in debt, they were dismissed: and going to La
Tour, Mr. Wannerton and some other Englishmen of the eastern
parts were entertained by him, and sent with some twenty of
his men to try if they could not take Penobscott, for he under-
stood the fort was weakly manned and in want of victual.
They went first to a farm house of D'Aulnay's, about six miles
off, and there Wannerton and two more went and knocked at
the door, with their swords and pistols ready. One opens the
door, and another presently shoots Wannerton dead, and a
third shoots his second in the shoulder, but he withal dis-
charged his pistol upon him that shot him, and killed him.
Then other of Wannerton 's company came in and took the
house and the two men (for there were no more) prisoners, and
they burnt the house and killed the cattle they found there, and
so embarked themselves and came to Boston to La Tour.
This Thomas Wannerton was a stout man, and had been a
soldier many years : he had lived very wickedly in whoredom,
drunkenness and quarrelling, so as he had kept the Pascata-
quack men under awe of him divers years, till they came under
this government, and since that he was much restrained, and
the people freed from his terror. He had of late come under
some terrors, and motions of the spirit, by means of the preach-
ing of the word, but he had shaken them off, and returned to
his former dissolute course, and so continued till God cut him
off by this sudden execution. But this hostile action being
led on by an Englishman of our jurisdiction, it was like to
provoke D'Aulnay the more against us.
3. (May) 3.] There was mention made before of a pinnace
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 181
sent by the company of discoverers to Delaware river, with
letters from the governor to the Dutch and Swedish governors
for liberty to pass. The Dutch promised to let them pass, but
for maintaining their own interest he must protest against them.
When they came to the Swedes, the fort shot at them, ere they
came up: whereupon they cast forth anchor, and the next
morning, being the Lord's day, the lieutenant came aboard
them, and forced them to fall down lower ; when Mr. Aspenwall
came to the governor and complained of the lieutenant's ill
dealing, both in shooting at them before he had hailed them,
and in forcing them to weigh anchor on the Lord's day. The
governor acknowledged he did ill in both, and promised all
favor, but the Dutch agent, being come down to the Swedes'
fort, showed express order from the Dutch governor not to let
him pass, whereupon they returned. But before they came out
of the river, the Swedish heutenant made them pay 40 shillings
for that shot which he had unduly made. The pinnace arrived
at Boston (5) 20. — 44.^ See page.
A Dutch ship came from the West Indies and brought to
Monhatoes 200 soldiers from Curassou,- which was taken by
the Portugal and the Indians and 300 slain of the Dutch part,
as was reported.
23.] La Tour ha\ang been with the governor at Salem,
and made known his condition to him, he was moved with
compassion towards him, and appointed a meeting of the
magistrates and elders at Boston this day. In opening La
Tour's case, it appeared that the place, where his fort was, had
been purchased by his father of Sir William Alexander, and he
had a free grant of it, and of all that part of New Scotland,
under the great seal of Scotland, and another grant of a Scotch
Baronetcy under the same seal ; and that himself and his father
had continued in possession, etc., about thirty years, ^ and that
Port Royal was theirs also, until D'Aulnay had dispossessed
'I.e., July 20, 1644. ^ jyianhattan; Cura9ao.
^Alexander's own grant was only of date 1621.
182 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
him of it by force within these five years. Most of the magis-
trates and some of the elders were clear in the case that he was
to be reUeved, both in point of charity, as a distressed neighbor,
and also in point of prudence, as thereby to root out, or at least
weaken, an enemy or a dangerous neighbor. But because
many of the elders were absent, and three or four of the magis-
trates dissented, it was agreed the rest of the elders should
be called in, and that another meeting should be at Salem the
next week.
When they were met, the governor propounded the case
to them, and it was brought to the two former questions. 1.
Whether it were lawful for true Christians to aid an antichris-
tian. 2. Wliether it were safe for us in point of prudence.
After much disputation, some of the magistrates and elders
remaining unsatisfied, and the rest not willing to conclude any
thing in this case without a full consent, a third way was pro-
pounded, which all assented to, which was this, that a letter
should be sent to D'Aulnay to this effect, viz.: That by
occasion of some commissions of his (which had come to our
hands) to his captains to take our people, etc., and not knowing
any just occasion we had given him, to know the reason thereof,
and withal to demand satisfaction for the wrongs he had done
us and our confederates in taking Penobscott, and our men and
goods at Isle Sable, and threatening to make prize of our vessels
if they came to Penobscott, etc., declaring withal that although
our men, which went last year to aid La Tour, did it without
any commission from us, or any counsel or act of permission of
our state, yet if he made it appear to us that they had done
him any wrong, (which yet we knew not of,) we should be
ready to do him justice; and requiring his express answer by
the bearer, and expecting that he should call in all such com-
missions, etc. We subscribed the letter with the hands of
eight of the magistrates, and directed it to Monsieur D'Aulnay,
Knight, General for the King of France in L'Acady at Port
Royal. We sent it in English, because he had written to our
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 183
governor in French, but understanding that he had been for-
merly scrupulous to answer letters in English, we therefore
gave the messenger a copy of it in French. We sent also in
the letter a copy of an order pubHshed by the governor and
council, whereby we forbade all our people to use any act of
hostility, otherwise than in their own defence, towards French
or Dutch, etc., till the next general court, etc. In our letter
we also mentioned a course of trade our merchants had entered
into with La Tour, and our resolution to maintain them in it.
Before this letter was sent, we had intelligence from the
West Indies, that D'Aulnay was met at sea by some Biscayers
and his ship sunk, yet being not certain hereof, when La Tour
went home, we sent the letter by a vessel of our own which ac-
companied him, to be delivered if occasion were. This news
proved false, and no such thing was; and indeed it was so
usual to have false news brought from all parts, that we were
very doubtful of the most probable reports.
At the same meeting there were three other questions on
foot. The first was upon this occasion.
Captain Stagg arriving at Boston in a ship of London, of
24 pieces of ordnance, and finding here a ship of Bristol
of 100 tons, laden with fish for Bilboa, he made no speech of
any commission he had, but having put on shore a good part
of his lading, which was wine from Teneriffe, he suddenly
weighed anchor, and with the sea turn sailed from before
Boston to Charlestown, and placed his ship between Charles-
town and the Bristol ship, and moored himself abreast her.
Then he called the master of the Bristol ship, and showed him
his commission, and told him, if he would yield, himself and all
his should have what belonged to them and their wages to that
day, and turning up the half hour glass, set him in his own
ship again, requiring to have his answer by that time of half
an hour. The master coming aboard acquainted his men
with it, and demanded their resolution. Two or three would
have fought; and rather have blown up their ship than have
184 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
yielded; but the greater part prevailed, so she was quietly
taken, and all the men save three sent to Boston, and there
order was taken by the captain for their diet/
In this half hour's time much people gathered together upon
Windmill hill to see the issue, and some who had interest in
the ship, especially one Bristol merchant, (a very bold malig-
nant person,) began to gather company and raise a tumult.
But some of the people present laid hold of them and brought
them to the deputy governor, who committed the merchant and
some others who were strangers to a chamber in an ordinary,
with a guard upon them, and others who were town dwellers
he committed to prison, and sent the constable to require the
people to depart to their houses; and then hearing that the
ship was taken, he wrote to the captain to know by what
authority he had done it in our harbor, who forthwith repaired
to him with his commission, which was to this effect:
Robertus Comes Warwici, etc., magnus Admirallus Angliae,
etc., omnibus cujuscunque status honoris, etc., salutem.
Sciatis quod in registro curise Admiralitatis, etc., — and so
recites the ordinance of parliament, in English, to this effect:
That it should be lawful for all men, etc., to set forth ships and
to take all vessels in or outward bound to or from Bristol,
Barnstable, Dartmouth, etc., in hostility against the king and
parliament, and to visit all ships in any port or creek, etc., by
force, if they should refuse, etc., and they were to have the
whole prize to themselves, paying the tenth to the admiral,
provided, before they went forth, they should give security
to the admiral to observe their commission, and that they
should make a true invoice of all goods, and not break bulk,
but bring the ship to the admiral and two or three of the officers,
and that they should not rob or spoil any of the parhament's
* The Civil War, as appears here, came near to actual battle on this side of
the Atlantic. London was strong for the Houses; the west of England, of which
Bristol was the metropolis, long held for the King, and ships were Roundhead
or Cavalier according to the ports whence they sailed.
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 185
friends, and so concludes thus: Stagg Capitaneus obligavit
se, etc., in bis mille libris, etc. In cujus rei testimonium sigil-
lum Admiralitatis presentibus apponi feci.
Dat. March, 1644.
Upon sight of this commission, the deputy appointed Cap-
tain Stagg to bring or send it to the meeting at Salem; and
the tumult being pacified, he took bond, with sureties, of the
principal stirrers, to appear at the meeting and to keep the
peace in the mean time. The captain brought his commission
to Salem, and there it was read and considered. Some of the
elders, the last Lord's day, had in their sermons reproved
this proceeding, and exhorted the magistrates, etc., to main-
tain the people's liberties, which were, they said, violated by
this act, and that a commission could not supersede a patent.
And at this meeting some of the magistrates and some of the
elders were of the same opinion, and that the captain should
be forced to restore the ship. But the greater part of both were
of a different judgment. — Their reasons were these.
1. Because this could be no precedent to bar us from oppos-
ing any commission or other foreign power that might indeed
tend to our hurt and violate our liberty; for the parliament
had taught us, that salus popuh is suprema lex.
2. The king of England was enraged against us, and all that
party, and all the popish states in Europe: and if we should
now, by opposing the parliament, cause them to forsake us, we
could have no protection or countenance from any, but should
lie open as a prey to all men.
3. We might not deny the parliament's power in this case,
unless we should deny the foundation of our government by
our patent ; for the parliament's authority will take place in all
pecuhar and privileged places, where the king's writs or com-
missions will not be of force, as in the Dutchy of Lancaster,
the Cinque ports, and in London itself, the parliament may
fetch out any man, even the Lord Mayor himself, and the
reason is, because what the parliament doth is done by them-
186 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
selves, for they have their burgesses, etc., there; nor need they
fear that the parhament will do any man wrong : and we have
consented to hold our land of the manor of E. Greenwich, and
so such as are burgesses or knights for that manor, are our
burgesses also. This only might help us, that the king giving
us land which was none of his, but we were forced to purchase
it of the natives, or subdue it as vacuum domicilium, we are
not bound to hold that of him which was not his. But if we
stand upon this plea, we must then renounce our patent and
England's protection, which were a great weakness in us, seeing
their care hath been to strengthen our liberties and not over-
throw them: and if the parliament should hereafter be of a
mahgnant spirit, etc., then if we have strength sufficient, we
may make use of salus populi to withstand any authority from
thence to our hurt.
4. Again, if we who have so openly declared our affection to
the cause of the parhament by our prayers, fastings, etc., should
now oppose their authority, or do any thing that might make
such an appearance, it would be laid hold on by those in Vir-
ginia and the West Indies to confirm them in their rebellious
course; and it would grieve all our godly friends in England,
or any other of the parliament's friends.
5. Lastly, if any of our people have any goods in the ship,
it is not to be questioned, but upon testimony the parhament
will take order for their satisfaction.
It was objected by some, that our's is perfecta respublica
and so not subject to appeals, and consequently to no other
power but among ourselves. It was answered, that though
our patent frees us from appeals in cases of judicature, yet not
in point of state ; for the king of England cannot erigere per-
fectam rempublicam in such a sense: for nemo potest plus juris
in alios transferre quam in se habet; he hath not an absolute
power without the parliament.^
Upon these and other considerations, it was not thought fit
* The spirit of independence is notable here.
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 187
to oppose the parliament's commission, but to suffer the cap-
tain to enjoy his prize. But because some of our merchants
had put goods aboard her, wherein they claimed property, they
desired to try their right by action, to which the captain con-
sented to appear. So a court was called of purpose, the issue
whereof follows after/
The third matter which fell into consideration, at the said
meeting at Salem, was about one Franklin, who at the last
court of assistants was found guilty of murder, but, some of
the magistrates doubting of the justice of the case, he was re-
prieved till the next court of assistants. The case was this.
He had taken to apprentice one Nathaniel Sewell, one of
those children sent over the last year for the country ; the boy
had the scurvy, and was withal very noisome, and otherwise
ill disposed. His master used him with continual rigor and
unmerciful correction, and exposed him many times to much
cold and wet in the winter season, and used divers acts of
rigor towards him, as hanging him in the chimney, etc., and
the boy being very poor and weak, he tied him upon an horse
and so brought him (sometimes sitting and sometimes hanging
down) to Boston, being five miles off, to the magistrates, and
by the way the boy calling much for water, would give him
none, though he came close by it, so as the boy was near dead
when he came to Boston, and died within a few hours after.
Those who doubted whether this were murder or not, did stick
upon two reasons chiefly. 1. That it did not appear that the
master's intention was to hurt him, but to reform him. 2. In
that which was most likely to be the occasion or cause of his
death, he was busied about an action which in itself was law-
ful, viz., the bringing of him before the magistrates ; and mur-
der cannot be committed but where the action and intention
both are evil. To this it was answered, that this continual act
of cruelty did bring him to death by degrees, and the last act
was the consummation of it; and that this act, in regard to
^ See post, p. 190.
188 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1644
the subject, who, to the apprehension of all that saw him, was
more fit to be kept in his bed than to be haled to correction,
was apparently unlawful. As in case a man had a servant
sick in bed of the small pox, newly come forth, and that his
master knowing and seeing these upon his body should, against
the physician's advice, hale him forth of his bed into the open
air in frosty weather, upon pretence that he might ease nature,
etc., this act, in regard of the state of the subject, were utterly
unlawful, and if the servant should die under his hand, etc., it
were murder in him. As for the intention, though prima inten-
tio might be to reform liim, yet sure proxima intentio was evil
because it arose from distemper of passion ; and if a man in a
sudden passion kill his dear friend or child, it is murder, though
his prima intentio were to instruct or admonish him: and in
some cases where there appears no intention to hurt, as where
a man knowing his ox to have used to push, shall not keep him
in, so as he kills a man, he was to die for it, though to keep an
ox were a lawful act, and he did not intend hurt, but because
he did not what he reasonably ought to prevent, etc., therefore
he was a murderer. And that in Exodus if a master strike
his servant with a rod, which is a lawful action, and he die
under his hand, (as this servant did,) he was to die for it: —
And that in Deut. if a man strike with a weapon or with
his hand, or any thing wherewith he may die, and he die, he is
a murderer, — shows plainly, that let the means be what it
may, if it be voluntarily apphed to an evil intent, it is murder;
according to that judgment given against her that gave a
potion to one to procure his love, and it killed him, it was
adjudged murder.
All the magistrates seeming to be satisfied upon this confer-
ence, warrant was signed by the governor for his execution a
week after, which was not approved by some, in regard of his
reprieval to the next court of assistants. But it was without
any good reason, for a condemned man is in the power of the
magistrate to be executed when he please, and the reprieval
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 189
was no stipulation or covenant with him, but a determination
among the magistrates for the satisfaction of some who were
doubtful, which satisfaction being attained, currat lex etc. Pro.
22. He shall go to the pit, let no man hinder him.
This man had been admitted into the church of Roxbury
about a month before, and upon this he was cast out ; but the
church, in compassion to his soul, after his condemnation, pro-
cured hcense for him to come to Roxbury, intending to receive
him in again before he died, if they might find him truly peni-
tent. But though presently after his condemnation he judged
himself, and justified God and the court, yet then he quarrelled
with the witnesses, and justified himself, and so continued even
to his execution, professing assurance of salvation, and that
God would never lay the boy his death to his charge, but the
guilt of his blood would lie upon the country. Only a little
before he was turned off the ladder, he seemed to apprehend
some hardness of heart, that he could not see himself guilty of
that which others did.
A fourth matter then in consideration was upon a speech,
which the governor made to this effect, viz. 1. That he could
not but bewail the great differences and jarrings which were
upon all occasions, among the magistrates, and between them
and the deputies; that the ground of this was jealousies and
misreports; and thereupon some elders siding, etc., but not
deahng with any of them in a way of God ; but hearing them
reproached and passing it in silence: also their authority
questioned, as if they had none out of court but what must be
granted them by commission from the general court> etc., — and
the way to redress hereof was, that the place and power of
magistrates and deputies might be known; and so the elders
were desired (which they willingly assented to) to be mediators
of a thorough reconciUation, and to go about it presently, and
to meet at Boston two or three days before the next court to
perfect the same. But indeed the magistrates did all agree
very well together, except two only, viz., Mr. Bellingham
190 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
and Mr. Saltonstall, who took part with the deputies against
the other ten magistrates about their power, and in other cases
where any difference was. And some of the elders had done
no good offices in this matter, through their misapprehensions
both of the intentions of the magistrates, and also of the mat-
ters themselves, being affairs of state, which did not belong to
their calling.*
The merchants which had to do with the goods in the ship
which was seized by Captain Stagg, being desirous to do their
utmost to save their principals in England from damage, know-
ing them to be honest men and faithful to the parliament,
intended to have a trial at law about it, and procured an at-
tachment against the captain; but they were dissuaded from
that course, and the deputy sent for Captain Stagg and ac-
quainted him with it, and took his word for his appearance at
the next court which was called of purpose. When the gov-
ernor and six other of the magistrates were met, (for the gov-
ernor did not send for such as dwelt far off,) and the jury, the
merchants were persuaded not to put it to a jury, for the jury
could find no more but the matter of fact, viz., whose the goods
were, whether the merchants' in England, or theirs who shipped
them, in regard they had not yet made any consignment of
them, nor taken any bills of lading: and this the magistrates
could as well determine upon proof, and certify accordingly:
for it was resolved not to use any force against the parliament's
authority; and accordingly they certified the Lord Admiral of
the true state of the case, as they found it upon examination
and oath of the factors.
The pinnace, which went to Delaware upon discovery, re-
turned with loss of their voyage. The occasion was, the
Dutch governor made a protest against them, yet promised
them leave to pass, etc., provided they should not trade with
the Indians: also the Swedish governor gave them leave to
pass, but would not permit them to trade; and for that end
* And yet the elders were constantly dealing with affairs of state.
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 191
each of them had appointed a pinnace to wait upon our pin-
nace, but withal the master of their vessel proved such a drunk-
en sot, and so complied with the Dutch and Swedes, as they
feared, when they should have left the vessel to have gone up
to the lake in a small boat, he would in his drunkenness have
betrayed their goods, etc, to the Dutch, whereupon they gave
over and returned home ; and bringing their action against the
master both for his drunkenness and denial to proceed as they
required, and as by charter party he was bound, they recovered
200 pounds of him, which was too much, though he did deal
badly with them, for it was very probable they could not have
proceeded.
There fell out a troublesome business at Boston, upon this
occasion. There arrived here a Portugal ship with salt, having
in it two Enghshmen only. One of these happened to be
drunk, and was carried to his lodging, and the constable, (a
godly man, and zealous against such disorders,) hearing of it,
found him out, being upon his bed asleep, so he awaked him,
and led him to the stocks, there being no magistrate at home.
He being in the stocks, one of La Tour's gentlemen Ufted up
the stocks and let him out. The constable, hearing of it, went
to the Frenchman, (being then gone and quiet,) and would
needs carry him to the stocks ; the Frenchman offered to jield
himself to go to prison, but the constable, not understanding
his language, pressed him to go to the stocks : the Frenchman
resisted and drew his sword ; with that company came in and
disarmed him, and carried him by force to the stocks, but soon
after the constable took him out and carried him to prison, and
presently after took him forth again and delivered him to La
Tour. Much tumult there was about this: many Frenchmen
were in town, and other strangers, which were not satisfied
with this dealing of the constable, yet were quiet. In the
morning the magistrates examined the cause and sent for La
Tour, who was much grieved for his servant's miscarriage, and
also for the disgrace put upon him, (for in France it is a most
192 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
ignominious thing to be laid in the stocks,) but yet he com-
plained not of any injury, but left him wholly to the magis-
trates to do with him what they pleased. The magistrates
told him, they were sorry to have any such occasion against
any of his servants, but they must do justice, and therefore
they must commit him to prison, except he could find sureties
to be forth coming, to answer, etc., and to keep the peace.
La Tour's gentlemen offered to engage themselves for him.
They answered, they might not take security of strangers in
this case, otherwise they would have desired no more than
La Tour's own word. Upon this two Englishmen, members of
the church of Boston, standing by, offered to be his sureties,
whereupon he was bailed till he should be called for, because
La Tour was not like to stay till the court. This was thought
too much favor for such an offence by many of the common
people, but by our law bail could not be denied him; and be-
side the constable was the occasion of all this in transgressing
the bounds of his office, and that in six things. 1. In fetching
a man out of his lodging that was asleep upon his bed, and
without any warrant from authority. 2. In not putting a
hook upon the stocks, nor setting some to guard them. 3.
In laying hands upon the Frenchman that had opened the
stocks, when he was gone and quiet, and no disturbance of the
peace then appearing. 4. In carrying him to prison without
warrant. 5. In dehvering him out of prison without warrant.
6. In putting such a reproach upon a stranger and a gentleman,
when there was no need, for he knew he would be forthcoming,
and the magistrate would be at home that evening; but such
are the fruits of ignorant and misguided zeal. It might have
caused much blood and no good done by it, and justice might
have had a more fair and safe way, if the constable had kept
within his own bounds, and had not interfered upon the au-
thority of the magistrate. But the magistrates thought not
convenient to lay these things to the constable's charge before
the assembly, but rather to admonish him for it in private, lest
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 193
they should have discouraged and discountenanced an honest
officer, and given occasion to the offenders and their abettors to
insult over him. The constable may restrain, and, if need be,
imprison in the stocks, such as he sees disturbing the peace, but,
when the affray is ended and the parties departed and in quiet,
it is the office of the magistrate to make inquiry and to punish
it, and the persons so wrongfully imprisoned by the constable
might have had their action of false imprisonment against him.
6. (August) 26.] About nine in the evening there fell a great
flame of fire down into the water towards Pullen Point; it Hghted
the air far about : it was no lightning, for the sky was very clear.
At Stamford an Indian came into a poor man's house, none
being at home but the wife, and a child in the cradle, and tak-
ing up a lathing hammer as if he would have bought it, the
woman stooping down to take her child out of the cradle, he
struck her with the sharp edge upon the side of her head,
wherewith she fell down, and then he gave her two cuts more
which pierced into her brains, and so left her for dead, carr5dng
away some clothes which lay at hand. This woman after a
short time came to herself and got out to a neighbor's house,
and told what had been done to her, and described the Indian
by his person and clothes, etc. Whereupon many Indians of
those parts were brought before her, and she charged one of
them confidently to be the man, whereupon he was put in
prison with intent to have put him to death, but he escaped,
and the woman recovered, but lost her senses. A good time
after the Indians brought another Indian whom they charged
to have committed that fact, and he, upon examination, con-
fessed it, and gave the reason thereof, and brought forth some
of the clothes which he had stolen. Upon this the magistrates
of New Haven, taking advice of the elders in those parts, and
some here, did put him to death. The executioner would strike
off his head with a falchion, but he had eight blows at it before
he could effect it, and the Indian sat upright and stirred not all
the time.
194 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
7. {September) 7.] Here came a pinnace from Virginia with
letters from the governor and council there, for procuring
powder and shot to prosecute their war against the Indians,
but we were weakly provided ourselves, and so could not afford
them any help in that kind.
9.] Mr. La Tour departed from Boston ; all our train bands
(it being then the ordinary training day) made a guard for him
to his boat ; and the deputy governor and many others accom-
panied him to the wharf. When he was aboard his bark, he
weighed, and set sail and shot off all his gims, which were six,
and our small shot gave him a volley and one piece of ordnance,
and all the ships, viz., four, saluted him, each of them with three
pieces.
At the court of assistants, Thomas Morton * was called forth
presently after the lecture, that the country might be satisfied
of the justice of our proceeding against him. There was laid
to his charge his complaint against us at the council board,
which he denied. Then we produced the copy of the bill ex-
hibited by Sir Christopher Gardiner, etc., wherein we were
charged with treason, rebelHon, etc., wherein he was named as
a party or witness. He denied that he had any hand in
the information, only was called as a witness. To convince
him to be the principal party, it was showed: 1. That Gardi-
ner had no occasion to complain against us, for he was kindly
used, and dismissed in peace, professing much engagement for
the great courtesy he found here. 2. Morton had set forth
a book against us, and had threatened us, and had prose-
cuted a quo warranto against us, which he did not deny. 3.
His letter was produced, written soon after to Mr. Jeffery, his
old acquaintance and intimate friend, in these words.
My very good gossip,
If I should commend myself to you, you reply with this proverb,
propria laus sordet in ore: but to leave impertinent salute, and really to
proceed. — You shall hereby understand, that, although, when I was first
* Morton of Merry Mount, whose return to America has been mentioned.
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 195
sent to England to make complaint against Ananias and the brethren, I
effected the business but superficially, (through the brevity of time,) I
have at this time taken more deliberation and brought the matter to a
better pass. And it is thus brought about, that the king hath taken the
business into his own hands. The Massachusetts Patent, by order of
the council, was brought in view; the privileges there granted well scanned
upon, and at the council board in public, and in the presence of Sir
Richard Saltonstall and the rest, it was declared, for manifest abuses there
discovered, to be void. The king hath reassumed the whole business into
his own hands, appointed a committee of the board, and given order for
a general governor of the whole territory to be sent over. The commission
is passed the privy seal, I did see it, and the same was 1 mo. Maii' sent to
the Lord Keeper to have it pass the great seal for confirmation; and I
now stay to return with the governor, by whom all complainants shall
have relief: So that now Jonas being set ashore may safely cry, repent
you cruel separatists, repent, there are as yet but forty days. If Jove
vouchsafe to thunder, the charter and kingdom of the separatists will
fall asunder. Repent you cruel schismatics, repent. These things have
happened, and I shall see (notwithstanding their boasting and false
alarms in the Massachusetts, with feigned cause of thanksgiving) their
merciless cruelty rewarded, according to the merit of the fact, with con-
dign punishment for coming into those parts, like Sampson's foxes with
fire-brands at their tails. The king and council are really possessed of
their preposterous loyalty and irregular proceedings, and are incensed
against them : and although they be so opposite to the catholic axioms,
yet they will be compelled to perform them, or at leastwise suffer them to
be put in practice to their sorrow. In matter of restitution and satisfac-
tion, more than mystically, it must be performed visibly, and in such sort
as may be subject to the senses in a very lively image. My Lord Canter-
bury having, with my Lord Privy Seal, caused all Mr. Cradock's letters
to be viewed, and his apology in particular for the brethren here, protested
against him and Mr. Humfrey, that they were a couple of imposterous
knaves; so that, for all their great friends, they departed the council
chamber in our view with a pair of cold shoulders. I have staid long,
yet have not lost my labor, although the brethren have found their hopes
frustrated; so that it follows by consequence, I shall see my desire upon
mine enemies: and if John Grant had not betaken him to flight, I had
*7. e., primo Maii, on the first of May. The "committee of the board"
is doubtless the well-known colonial committee of April 28, 1634, whose com-
mission is given in Bradford, appendix.
196 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
taught him to sing clamavi in the Fleet before this time, and if he return
before I depart, he will pay dear for his presumption. For here he finds
me a second Perseus: I have uncased Medusa's head, and struck the
brethren into astonishment. They find, and will yet more to their shame,
that they abuse the word and are to blame to presume so much, — that
they are but a word and a blow to them that are without. Of these par-
ticulars I thought good, by so convenient a messenger, to give you notice,
lest you should think I had died in obscurity, as the brethren vainly in-
tended I should, and basely practised, abusing justice by their sinister
practices, as by the whole body of the committee, una voce, it was con-
cluded to be done, to the dishonor of his majesty. And as for Ratcliffe,
he was comforted by their lordships with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's
ears } which shows what opinion is held amongst them of King Winthrop
with all his inventions and his Amsterdam fantastical ordinances, his
preachings, marriages, and other abusive ceremonies, which do ex-
emplify his detestation to the church of England, and the contempt of his
majesty's authority and wholesome laws, which are and will be established
in those parts, invita Minerva. With these I thought fit to salute you,
as a friend, by an epistle, because I am bound to love you, as a brother,
by the gospel, resting your loving friend.
Thomas Morton.
Dated 1 mo. Maii, 1634.
Having been kept in prison about a year, in expectation
of further evidence out of England, he was again called before
the court, and after some debate what to do with him, he was
fined 100 pounds, and set at hberty. He was a charge to the
country, for he had nothing, and we thought not fit to inflict
corporal punishment upon him, being old and crazy, but
thought better to fine him and give him his hberty, as if it
had been to procure his fine, but indeed to leave him oppor-
tunity to go out of the jurisdiction, as he did soon after, and
he went to Acomenticus, and hving there poor and despised,
he died within two years after.
7. (September) 16.] Here arrived a ship from Dartmouth.
She was impressed into the king's service, and sent to sea in the
* Ratcliffe's ears had been cropped by order of the Massachusetts authorities
for speaking abusively of the magistracy and church government.
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 197
Earl of Marlborough's fleet, but she left the fleet, and took in
wine and salt at the Spanish Islands, and went to Virginia,
where he left his merchants and divers of his men; and not
putting off his goods there, he came to Boston, where the Lon-
don ship, Captain Bayley commander, having commission
from the parhament, would have taken him, but he stood upon
his defence, and was able to keep his ship against the other.
But another question arose about her, upon this occasion;
our merchants of Boston had set out a small ship worth
1500 pounds, which, being trading in Wales, was taken by
the king's ships, whereupon the merchants desired leave to
seize this ship for their satisfaction. On the other side, the
master, being come under our command, desired our pro-
tection. Our answer was, that, if he would deliver his sailors
on shore, we would protect him till the court, etc. See more
next leaf.
17.] The Lady La Tour arrived here from London in a ship
commanded by Captain Bayley. They had been six months
from London, having spent their time in trading about Canada,
etc. They met with D'Aulnay near Cape Sable, and told him
they were bound for the Bay, and had stowed the lady and her
people under hatches, so he not knowing it was Captain Bay-
ley, whom he earnestly sought for, to have taken or sunk him,
he wrote by the master to the deputy governor to this effect:
That his master the king of France, understanding that the
aid La Tour had here the last year was upon the commission
he showed from the Vice Admiral of France, gave him in
charge not to molest us for it, but to hold all good corres-
pondency with us and all the Enghsh, which he professed
he was desirous of, so far as might stand with his duty to
his master, and withal that he intended to send to us so
soon as he had settled his affairs, to let us know what fur-
ther commission he had, and his sincerity in the business of
La Tour, etc.
Here arrived also Mr. Roger Williams of Providence, and
198 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
with him two or three families. He brought with him a letter
from divers lords and others of the parhament, the copy
whereof ensueth.
Our much honored Friends:
Taking notice, some of us of long time, of Mr. Roger Williams his
good affections and conscience, and of his sufferings by our common
enemies and oppressors of God's people, the prelates, as also of his great
industry and travail in his printed Indian labors in your parts, the like
whereof we have not seen extant from any part of America, and in which
respect it hath pleased both houses of Parliament freely to grant unto him
and friends with him a free and absolute charter of civil government for
those parts of his abode •} and withal sorrowfully resenting, that amongst
good men (our friends) driven to the ends of the world, exercised with
the trials of a wilderness, and who mutually give good testimony each of
other, as we observe you do of him, and he abundantly of you, there
should be such a distance; we thought it fit, upon divers considerations,
to profess our great desires of both your utmost endeavors of nearer
closing, and of ready expressing of those good affections, which we per-
ceive you bear each to other, in the actual performance of all friendly
offices; the rather because of those bad neighbors you are like to find
too near unto you in Virginia, and the unfriendly visits from the West of
England and from Ireland : that howsoever it may please the Most High
to shake our foundations, yet the report of your peaceable and prosperous
plantations may be some refreshing to
Your true and faithful friends,
Northumberland, P. Wharton,
Rob. Harley, Thos. Barrington,
Wm. Masham, Ol. St. John,
John Gurdon, Isaac Pennington,
Cor. Holland, Gil. Pykering,
J. Blakiston, Miles Corbet.
To the Right Worshipful the Governor and Assistants and the rest of
our worthy friends in the plantation of Massachusetts Bay, in New
England.^
* The Rhode Island charter of 1644.
^ This letter is strong evidence of the respect in which Roger Williams was
held. He had just before put humanity in his debt by writing The Bloudy Tenent,
his famous defence of toleration, which appeared in 1644.
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 199
19.] Two churches were appointed to be gathered, one at
Haverhill and the other at Andover, both upon Merrimack
river. They had given notice thereof to the magistrates and
elders, who desired, in regard of their far remoteness and
scarcity of housing there, the meeting might be at Rowley,
which they assented unto, but being assembled, most of those
who were to join, refused to declare how God had carried on
the work of his grace in them, upon this reason, because they
had declared it formerly in their admission into other churches ;
whereupon the assembly brake up without proceeding, etc.
The governor and others of the magistrates met at Boston
upon two special occasions ; the one was for trial of an action
between the Lady La Tour and Captain Bayley for not carrying
her, etc., to her own place, and for some injuries done her
aboard his ship. See more after.
The other was upon the request of some merchants of Bos-
ton, who, having a ship taken in Wales by the king's party,
desired recompence by a ship of Dartmouth riding in our
harbor. Whereupon we sent for the master of the Dartmouth
ship, who dehvered his ship into our hands, till the cause should
be tried, which he did the more willingly, for that some Lon-
don ships of greater force, riding also in our harbor, had
threatened to take him; and the next morning Captain Rich-
ardson (having commission from the Lord Admiral) fitted his
ship to take her, notwithstanding that he had been forbidden
over night by the deputy governor to meddle with her, being
under our protection, and lying so before Boston as their shot
must needs do harm. Whereupon the governor and the other
magistrates (sitting then in court) arose and went to take order
about it, and having over night given commission to some to
make seizure of the Dartmouth ship, they went aboard her
with their commission, and an officer was sent with warrant to
stay Captain Richardson, but he being then come to anchor
close by the other ship, he could not (or would not) stay, but
suffered his men to enter the other ship, and the master coming
200 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
aboard him at his request, he detained him prisoner. Where-
upon the governor, etc., sent two other masters of ships to him
to command him ashore, but he seeing his men so unruly, and
fearing they would fall to fight or pillage in his absence, (as he
after told us,) excused himself for not coming upon that com-
mand. Upon which fire was given to a warning piece from the
battery, which cut a rope in the head of his ship: and upon that
one of his men, without any command, ran down hastily to
fire upon our battery ; but it pleased God that he hurt himself
in the way, and so was not able to go on. A stranger also
(unbidden) gave fire to another piece on the battery, which
levelled at the bow of his ship, but it struck against the head of
a bolt in the cutwater of the Dartmouth ship, and went no
further. Then we sent forty men armed aboard the Dart-
mouth ship, and upon that Captain Richardson came ashore
and acknowledged his error, and his sorrow for what he had
done, yet withal alleging some reasons for his excuse. So we
only ordered him to pay a barrel of powder, and to satisfy the
officers and soldiers we had employed, etc., and dismissed him.
The reason was, because (through the Lord's special providence)
there was no hurt done, nor had he made one shot; for if he
had, we were resolved to have taken or sunk him, which we
might easily have done, lying close under our battery, so as we
could have played upon him with whole culverin or demi
culverin six hours together, nor had he yet showed to us or to
the master of the Dartmouth ship any commission. But after,
he showed only an ordinary commission from the Lord Ad-
miral, not under the great seal, nor grounded upon any ordi-
nance of parhament, as Captain Stagg's was: therefore we for-
bade him to meddle with any ship in our harbor, for he could
not by that commission take a ship in any place exempt from
the Admiral's jurisdiction.
^„.-— gK^^attt«jla^ized this ship, we were to consult what to do
/\ i^itn ner. iJiflj^^^mination, we found that the master and
company were Dartni^uth men, and that the ship had formerly
uormAlschool)
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 201
been employed in the parliament's service, but, Dartmouth
being taken by the king, she had been employed for taking a
vessel or two of the parliament's under the same master, but a
captain put over him and many soldiers, and was since sold to
a merchant of Christopher Island, and by his agent sent forth
upon merchant affairs to divers places, and to repair at last
to St. Maloes in France, where the agent dwelt, who was an
Englishman and had used to trade at Dartmouth, whose letter
of advice and the bill of sale of the ship were produced by the
master. It appeared further to us, that Dartmouth had been
cordial to the parliament, and stood out seven days against
12,000 men ; and after it was surrendered did generally refuse
to take the oath to the king, and the master among others, and
that they had many better ships there which lay still at home,
and such as they sent forth they were not to come home but by
advice. Yet it appeared after by divers testimonies, that she
belonged to Dartmouth, and the charter party also, and that
the master was part owner. Divers of the elders, being called
in for advice, agreed (near all) that she might be seized to
satisfy for our two ships which the king's party had taken from
us, and accordingly commission was given by the governor and
council to the merchant to seize and use her, giving security
to be responsible and 8 pounds per 100 if she should be lawfully
recovered within thirteen months, but the company to have
their wages and goods.
While the governor and other of the magistrates were at
Boston, a boat sent from Mr. D'Aulnay with ten men arrived
at Salem, hearing that the governor dwelt there. There was
in her one Marie, supposed to be a friar, but habited hke a
gentleman. He wrote a letter to our governor by a gentleman
of his company to know where he should attend him: and
upon our governor's answer to him, he came the next day to
Boston, and with letters of credence and commission from Mr.
D'Aubiay; he showed us the king of France his commission
under the great seal of France, with the privy seal annexed,
202 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1644
wherein the proceedings against La Tour were verified, and he
condemned as a rebel and traitor, etc., with command for the
apprehension of himself and lady, who had fled out of France
against special order, under, etc. He complained also of the
wrong done by our men the last year in assisting of La Tour
etc., and proffered terms of peace and amity. We answered to
the 1. That divers of the ships and most of the men were
strangers to us, and had no commission from us, nor any per-
mission to use any hostility, and we were very sorry when we
heard what had been done. This gave him satisfaction. To
the other proposition we answered, that we could not conclude
any league with him, without the advice of the commissioners
of the united colonies; but if he would set down his proposi-
tions in writing, we would consider further of them : and withal
we acquainted him with what we had lately written to Mr.
D'Aulnay, and the injuries we had complained of to him. So
he withdrew himself to his lodging at Mr. Fowle's, and drew
out both his propositions and answers to our complaints in
French, and returned to us. He added two propositions
more, one that we would aid him against La Tour, and the
other that we would not assist him, and gave reasonable answer
to our demands. Upon these things [he] discoursed half the
day, sometimes with our governor in French, and otherwhile
with the rest of the magistrates in Latin. We urged much for
a reconcihation with La Tour, and that he would permit his
lady to go to her husband. His answer was, that if La Tom-
would voluntarily submit and come in, he would assure him his
life and liberty, but if he were taken, he were sure to lose his
head in France; and for his lady, she was known to be the
cause of his contempt and rebellion, and therefore they could
not let her go to him, but if we should send her in any of our
vessels he must take her, and if we carried any goods to La
Tour he would take them also, but he would give us satisfaction
for them. In the end we came to this agreement, which
was drawn up in Latin in these words, and signed by the
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 203
governor and six other magistrates, and I\Ir. Marie, whereof
one copy we kept and the other he carried with him. He came
to Boston the sixth day very late, and made great haste away,
so he departed on the third day following. We furnished him
with horses and sent him to Salem well accompanied, and
offered him a bark to carry him home, but he refused it. We
entertained him with all com'teous respect, and he seemed to
be surprised with his unexpected entertainment, and gave a
very hberal testimony of his kind acceptance thereof, and as-
surance of Mr. D'Auhiay's engagement to us for it. The
agreement between us was tliis.
The agreement between John Endecott, Esq., Governor of the
Massachusetts in New England, and the rest of the magistrates there,
and Mr. Marie, commissioner of Mr. D'Aulnay, Knight, Governor and
Lieutenant General of his Majesty the king of France, in Acadie, a prov-
ince of New France, made and ratified at Boston in the Massachusetts
aforesaid, 8 die mensis 8, (October 8) An. Dom. 1644.
The governor and the rest of the magistrates do promise to Mr.
Marie, that they and ail the English within the jurisdiction of the Massa-
chusetts aforesaid shall observe and keep firm peace with Mr. D'Aulnay,
etc., and all the French under his command in Acadie: and likewise the
said Mr. Marie doth promise for Mr. D'Aulnay, that he and all his people
shall also keep fimi peace with the governor and magistrates aforesaid,
and with all the inhabitants of the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts afore-
said; and that it shall be lawful for all men, both French and English, to
trade each with other: so that if any occasion of offence shall happen,
neither party shall attempt any thing against the other in any hostile
manner before the wrong be first complained of, and due satisfaction not
given. Provided always, the governor and magistrates aforesaid be not
bound to restrain their merchants to trade with their ships with any
persons, either French or other, wheresoever they dwell : provided also,
that the full ratification and conclusion of this agreement be referred to
the next meeting of the commissioners of the united colonies of New
England, for the continuation or abrogation of the same; and in the mean
time to remain firm and inviolate.^
' The treaty is given in full in Hazard, State Papers, I. 536; also in Hutchin-
son, Collections, 146.
204 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
By this agreement we were freed from the fear om* people
were in, that Mr. D'Aulnay would take revenge of our small
vessels or out plantations, for the harm he sustained by our
means the last year ; and also from any further question about
that business.
We were now also freed from as great a fear of war with
the Narragansetts. For the commissioners, meeting at Hart-
ford, sent for Onkus and some from Narragansett, (a sachem
and a chief captain were sent,) and whereas the Narragansett 's
plea against Onkus was, that he had put their sachem to death
after he had received a ransom for his life, it was clearly proved
otherwise, and that the things he received were part of them
given him for his courteous usage of the said Miantunnomoh
and those sachems which were slain in the battle, and another
part, that Miantunnomoh might be given to the English. In
the end it was agreed by all parties, that there should be peace
on all sides till planting time were over the next year ; and then
neither of them should attempt any hostile act against the
other, without first acquainting the English, etc. therewith.
The Lady La Tour, being arrived here, commenced her action
against Captain Bayley and the merchant, (brother and factor
to Alderman Berkley, who freighted the ship,) for not perform-
ing the charter party, having spent so much time upon the
coast in trading, as they were near six months in coming, and
had not carried her to her fort as they ought and might have
done : and upon a full hearing in a special court four days, the
jury gave her 2,000 pounds. For had they come in any reason-
able time, it might have been much more to her advantage in
her trade and safety against D'Aulnay: whereas now it was
like to occasion her utter ruin: for she knew not how to get
home without hiring two or three ships of force.
La Tour, and a vessel of ours in his company laden with
provision, went hence with a fair wind, which if he had made
use of, he had met with D'Aulnay, and after he had touched at
divers places by the way, and staid there some time, he passed
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 205
by Penobscott soon after D'Aulnay was gone into the harbor,
and so escaped, whereas if he had passed any time many days
before, he must needs have been taken. This vessel of ours in
her return was met by D'Auhiay, who stayed her, and taking
the master aboard his ship, manned the other with French-
men, and telhng the master his intention, and assuring him of
all good usage and recompense for the stay of his vessel, (all
which he really performed,) he brought her with him to the
mouth of St. John's river; and then sent her boat with one
gentleman of his own to La Tour to show his commission,
and withal desired the master to write to La Tour to desire
him to dismiss the messenger safely, for otherwise D'Aulnay
would keep him for hostage (yet he assured him he would not
do it). So La Tour chsmissed the messenger in peace, which
he professed he would not have done but for our master's sake.
D'Aulnay carried our ketch with him to Port Royal, where he
used the master very courteously and gave him credit for fish,
etc., he bought of him, and recompense for keeping his vessel,
and so dismissed him. Presently after their return, we sent
another vessel to trade with D'Aulnay, and by it the deputy
governor wrote to D'Aulnay to show the cause of sending
her, with profession of our desire of holding good correspond-
ency with him, etc., and withal persuading him by divers argu-
ments to entertain peace with La Tour. That vessel found
courteous entertainment with him, and he took off all her
commodities, but not at so good rates as they expected.
The Lady La Tour having arrested the captain and merchant
of the ship, they were forced to dehver their cargo on shore to
free their persons, by which means she laid her execution upon
them to the value of 1100 pounds; more could not be had
without unfurnishing the ship, which must have been by
force, for otherwise the master and seamen would deUver
none. The master petitioned the general court for his freight
and wages, for which the goods stood bound by charter party.
The general court was much divided about it, but the magis-
206 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
trates voted that none was due here, nor the goods bound for
them; but the major part of the deputies being of another
judgment, they made use of their negative vote, and so nothing
was ordered. Whereupon the master brought his action at
the next court of assistants. When it came to be tried, two
of the assistants were of opinion that it ought not to be put
to trial, because the general court had the hearing and voting
of it: but it was answered by the rest, (the governor being
absent,) that, seeing the general court had made no order in it,
this court might hear and determine it, as if the general court
had never taken cognizance of it. Accordingly it was put to
the jury upon this issue: Whether the goods were security
for the freight, etc. And the jury found for the defendant, and
yet in the charter party the merchants bound themselves, their
executors, etc., and goods, as the owners had bound their ship,
etc., to the merchants.
This business caused much trouble and charge to the coun-
try, and made some difference between the merchants of
Charlestown, (who took part with the merchants and master
of the ship,) and the merchants of Boston, who assisted the
lady, (some of them being deeply engaged for La Tour,) so
as offers were made on both sides for an end between them.
Those of Charlestown offered security for the goods, if upon a
review within thirteen months the judgment were not reversed,
or the parliament in England did not call the cause before
themselves. This last clause was very ill taken by the court,
as making way for appeals, etc., into England, which was not
reserved in our charter. The other offered them all the goods
save 150 pounds to defray the lady's expenses in town, and
security for that, if the judgment was reversed, so as the other
would give security to answer the whole 2,000 pounds if the
judgment were not reversed, etc.
10. (December) 8.] The parties not agreeing, the lady took
the goods and hired three ships which lay in the harbor, be-
longing to strangers, which cost her near 800 pounds, and set
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 207
sail for her fort. And the merchants, against whom she had
execution for their bodies for satisfaction of the rest of the
judgment, got into their ship and fell down beyond the castle,
(where they were out of command,) and took aboard some
thirty passengers, and so, (26,) in company of one of our own
ships which carried about seventy passengers, they set sail for
London.
When our ship, etc., arrived at London, Alderman Berkley
arrested the goods of two of the passengers.
A CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF
NEW ENGLAND^
PART in
1644
17. 7. (September) 17.] The Lady La Tour arrived here in
ship set forth from London by Alderman Berkley and Captain
Bayley. They were bound for La Tour's fort, and set forth
in the spring, but spent so much time in trading by the way,
etc., as when they came at Cape Sable, Monsieur D'Aulnay
came up to them in a ship from France, so as they durst not
discover what they were, but stood along for Boston. The
lady, being arrived, brought her action against them for de-
laying her so long at sea, whereby she lost the opportunity of
relieving her fort, and must be at excessive charges to get
thither. The cause was openly heard at a special court at
Boston before all the magistrates, and a jury of principal men
impannelled, (most merchants and seamen,) and the charter
party being read, and witnesses produced, it appeared to the
court, that they had broken charter party, so as the jury gave
her 2000 pounds damages. Whereupon the cargo of the ship
was seized in execution, (so much of it as could be found,) and
being meal, and peas, and trading stuff, etc., and being ap-
praised by four men, sworn, etc., it was found to the value of
* This is the part of Winthrop's Journal discovered in the year 1816, in the
tower of the Old South Meeting House in Boston, the part unknown to the
Hartford transcribers, and first published by Savage in 1825. While part ii.
of the Journal was destroyed by fire in 1825, part iii. as well as part i. are pre-
served in the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society, so that the ac-
curacy of Savage's transcription may be verified.
208
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 209
about 1100 pounds. The defendants desired liberty till the
next year to bring a review, pretending they had evidence in
England, etc. It was granted them, and they were offered to
have all their goods again, (except 100 pounds for defraying the
lady's present charges in Boston, for which they should have
good security, etc.) so as they would put in security to answer
the whole 2000 pounds, if they did not reverse the judgment
within the year. This they refused, and would give security
for no more than what they should receive back ; whereupon
the execution proceeded. But the master of the ship brought
his action upon the goods in execution for security for his
freight and men's wages (which did amount to near the whole
extended). The jury found against him, whereupon at the next
general court he petitioned for redress. A great part of the
court was of opinion, that the goods, being his security by
charter party, ought not to be taken from him upon the execu-
tion, and most of the deputies, and the deputy governor, and
some others of the magistrates voted that way ; but the greater
part of the magistrates being of the other side, he would not be
relieved. The lady was forced to give 700 pounds to three
ships to carry her home.^
It may be of use to mention a private matter or two, which
fell out about this time, because the power and mercy of the
Lord did appear in them in extraordinary manner. One of the
deacons of Boston church, Jacob Ehot, (a man of a very sin-
cere heart and an humble frame of spirit,) had a daughter^
of eight years of age, who being playing with other children
about a cart, the hinder end thereof fell upon the child's
head, and an iron sticking out of it struck into the child's head,
and drove a piece of the skull before it into the brain, so as the
brains came out, and seven sm-geons (some of the country, very
^ This opening passage of part iii. Winthrop has crossed out in the manu-
script, with the marginal comment, " this is before in the other book." It is how-
ever worth while to retain the passage since it tells the story in somewhat different
shape.
* The little girl was a niece of the Apostle Eliot
210 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1644
experienced men, and others of the ships, which rode in the
harbor) being called together for advice, etc., did all conclude,
that it was the brains, (being about half a spoonful at one time,
and more at other times,) and that there was no hope of the
child's life, except the piece of skull could be drawn out. But
one of the ruling elders of the church, an experienced and very
skilful surgeon, liked not to take that course, but applied only
plasters to it; and withal earnest prayers were made by the
church to the Lord for it, and in six weeks it pleased God
that the piece of skull consumed, and so came forth, and the
child recovered perfectly; nor did it lose the senses at any
time.
Another was a child of one Bumstead, a member of the
church, had a child of about the same age, that fell from a gal-
lery in the meeting house about eighteen feet high, and brake
the arm and shoulder, (and was also committed to the Lord in
the prayers of the church, with earnest desires, that the place
where his people assembled to his worship might not be defiled
with blood,) and it pleased the Lord also that this child was
soon perfectly recovered.
The differences which fell out in the court, and still contin-
ued [blank].
A bark was set out from Boston with seven men to trade at
Delaware. They staid in the river near the Enghsh plantation
all the winter, and in the spring they fell down, and traded
three weeks, and had gotten five hundred skins, and some
otter, etc., and being ready to come away, fifteen Indians came
aboard, as if they would trade again, and suddenly they drew
forth hatchets from under their coats, and killed the master
and three others, and rifled the bark, and carried away a boy,
and another man, who was the interpreter; and when they
came on shore, they gave him forty skins, and twenty fathom
of wampom, and other things, and kept them till about six
weeks after. The Swedish governor procured another sachem
to fetch them to him, who sent them to New Haven by a bark
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 211
of that place, and so they were brought to Boston (5) 14, 45,*
the man as a prisoner.
(8) (October) 30.] The general court assembled again, and
all the elders were sent for, to reconcile the differences between
the magistrates and deputies. When they were come, the first
question put to them was that which was stated by consent
the last session, viz.
Whether the magistrates are, by patent and election of the
people, the standing council of this commonwealth in the
vacancy of the general court, and have power accordingly to act
in all cases subject to government, according to the said patent
and the laws of this jurisdiction; and when any necessary
occasions call for action from authority, in cases where there is
no particular express law provided, there to be guided by the
word of God, till the general court give particular rules in such
cases.
The elders, having received the question, withdrew them-
selves for consultation about it, and the next day sent to know,
when we would appoint a time that they might attend the
court with their answer. The magistrates and deputies agreed
upon an hour, but the deputies came not all, but sent a com-
mittee of four (which was not well, nor respectively, that when
all the elders had taken so much pains at their request, some
having come thirty miles, they would not vouchsafe their pres-
ence to receive their answer). Their answer was affirmative
on the magistrates' behalf, in the very words of the question,
with some reasons thereof. It was delivered in writing by Mr.
Cotton in the name of them all, they being all present, and not
one dissentient.
Upon the return of this answer, the deputies prepared
other questions to be propounded to the elders, and sent them
to the magistrates to take view of. Likewise the magis-
trates prepared four questions, and sent them also to the
deputies.
1 July 14, 1645.
212 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
The magistrates' questions, with the elders' answers, were:
1. Whether the deputies in the general court have judicial
and magistratical authority?
2. Whether by patent the general court, consisting of mag-
istrates and deputies, (as a general court) have judicial and
magistratical authority?
3. Whether we may warrantably prescribe certain penalties
to offences, which may probably admit variable degrees of
guilt?
4. Whether a judge be bound to pronounce such sentence as
a positive law prescribes, in case it be apparently above or be-
neath the merit of the offence?
The elders answer to the two first.
1. The patent, in express words, giveth full power and au-
thority, as to the governor and assistants, so to the freemen
also assembled in general court.
2. Whereas there is a threefold power of magistratical au-
thority, viz., legislative, judicial, and consultative or directive
of the public affairs of the country for provision and protec-
tion. The first of these, viz., legislative is expressly given to
the freemen, jointly with the governor and assistants. Con-
sultative or directive power, etc., is also granted by the patent
as the other. But now for power of judicature, (if we speak
of the constant and usual administration thereof,) we do not
find that it is granted to the freemen, or deputies, in the general
court, either by the patent, or the elections of the people, or
by any law of the country. But if we speak of the occasional
administration thereof, we find power of judicature admin-
istrable by the freemen, jointly with the governor and assistants
upon a double occasion. 1. In case of defect or deUnquency
of a magistrate, the whole court, consisting, etc., may remove
him. 2. If by the law of the country there He any appeal to
the general court, or any special causes be reserved to their
judgment, it will necessarily infer, that, in such cases, by such
laws, the freemen, jointly with the governor and assistants,
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 213
have power of judicature, touching the appellant's cause of
appeal and those reserved cases. WTiat we speak of the power
of freemen by patent, the same may be said of the deputies, so
far forth as the power of the freemen is delegated to them by
order of law.
To the third and fourth questions the elders answer.
1. Certain penalties may and ought to be prescribed to capi-
tal crimes, although they may admit variable degrees of guilt ;
as in case of murder upon prepensed malice, and upon sud-
den provocation, there is prescribed the same death in both,
though murder upon prepensed malice be of a far greater
guilt than upon sudden provocation, Numb. 35. 16. 18 with
20. 21. Also in crimes of less guilt, as in theft, though some
theft may be of greater guilt than other, (as for some man to
steal a sheep, who hath less need, is of greater guilt, than for
another, who hath more need,) the Lord prescribed the same
measure of restitution to both.
2. In case that variable circumstances of an offence do so
much vary the degrees of guilt, as that the offence is raised to
an higher nature, there the penalty must be varied to an higher
answerable proportion. The striking of a neighbor may be
punished with some pecuniary mulct, when the striking of a
father may be punished with death. So any sin committed
with an high hand, as the gathering of sticks on the Sabbath
day, may be punished with death, when a lesser punishment
may serve for gathering sticks privily, and in some need.
3. In case circumstances do so vary a sin, as that many sins
are compHcated or wrapped up in it, the penalty is to be varied,
according to the penalties of those several sins. A single lie
may be punished with a less mulct, than if it be told before the
judgment seat, or elsewhere, to the damage of any person,
whether in his good name, by slander, or in his estate, by detri-
ment in his commerce ; in which case, a he aggravated by cir-
cumstances is to be punished with respect both to a he and to a
slander and to the detriment which another sustaineth thereby.
214 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1644
4. In case that the circumstances, which vary the degrees of
guilt, concern only the person of the offender, (as whether it
were the first offence, or customary, whether he were enticed
thereto, or the enticer, whether he were principal or accessory,
whether imadvised, or witting or wilHng, etc.) there it were
meet the penalty should be expressed with a latitude, whereof
the lowest degree to be expressed (suppose five shillings, or, as
the case may be, five stripes) and the highest degree, twenty
shillings or, etc., or stripes more or less ; within which compass
or latitude it may be free to a magistrate to aggravate or miti-
gate the penalty, etc. Yet even here also care would be taken,
that a magistrate attend, in his sentence, as much as may be,
to a certain rule in these circumstances, lest some persons,
whose sins be ahke circumstanced with others, if their punish-
ment be not equal, etc., may think themselves more unequally
dealt withal than others.
5. In those cases wherein the judge is persuaded in con-
science, that a crime deserveth a greater punishment than the
law inflicteth, he may lawfully pronounce sentence according
to the prescript penalty, etc., because he hath no power com-
mitted to him by law to go higher. But where the law may
seem to the conscience of the judge to inflict a greater penalty
than the offence deserveth, it is his part to suspend his sentence,
till by conference with the lawgivers, he find liberty, either to
inflict the sentence, or to mitigate it.
6. The penalties of great crimes may sometimes be miti-
gated by such as are in chief power, out of respect to the pub-
he good service which the delinquent hath done to the state in
former times, as Solomon did by Abiathar, 1 Kings 2. 26. 27.
Questions propounded to the elders by the deputies.
1. Whether the governor and assistants have any power by
patent to dispense justice in the vacancy of the general court,
without some law or order of the same to declare the rule?
The elders' answer was negative; and further, they con-
ceived it meet, the rule should be express for the regulating of
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 215
all particulars, as far as may be, and where such cannot be had,
to be supplied by general rules.
2. Quest. Whether any general court hath not power by
patent, in particular cases, to choose any commissioners, (either
assistants or freemen,) exempting all others, to give them com-
mission, to set forth their power and places? By ''any partic-
ular case" we mean in all things, and in the choice of all
officers, that the commonwealth stands in need of between
election and election; not taking away the people's hberty in
elections, nor turning out any officer so elected by them, with-
out showing cause.
The elders answer.
1 . If the terms, ' ' all things, ' ' imply or intend all cases of con-
stant judicature and counsel, we answer negatively, etc., be-
cause then it would follow, that the magistrates might be
excluded from all cases of constant judicature and counsel,
which are their principal work, whereby also the end of the
people's election would be made frustrate.
2. But if these terms, ''all things," imply or intend cases
(whether occasional or others) belonging neither to constant
judicature nor counsel, we answer affirmatively, etc., which yet
we understand with this distinction, viz., that if the affairs com-
mitted to such officers and commissioners be of general con-
cernment, we conceive the freemen, according to patent, are to
choose them, the general court to set forth their power and
places ; but if they be of merely particular concernment, then
we conceive the general court may choose them, and set forth
their power and places. Whereas we give cases of constant
judicature and council to the magistrates, we thus interpret the
word "counsel." Counsel consists of care and action. In re-
spect of care, the magistrates are not hmited; in respect of
action, they are to be limited by the general court, or by the
supreme council. Finally, it is our humble request, that in
case any difference grow in the general court, between magis-
trates and deputies, either in these, or any hke weighty cases,
216 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
which cannot be presently issued with mutual peace, that both
parties will be pleased to defer the same to further deliberation
for the honor of God and of the court.
Upon other propositions made by the deputies, the elders
gave this further answer, viz.
That the general court, consisting of magistrates and depu-
ties, is the chief civil power of this commonwealth, and may
act in all things belonging to such a power, both concerning
counsel, in consulting about the weighty affairs of the common-
wealth, and concerning making of laws, also concerning judi-
catures, in orderly impeaching, removing, and sentencing any
officers, even the highest, according to law, hkewise in receiv-
ing appeals, whether touching civil or criminal causes, wherein
appeals are or shall be allowed by the general court ; provided
that all such appeals proceed orderly from an inferior court to
the court of assistants, and from thence to the general court;
or if the case were first depending in the court of assistants,
then to proceed from thence to the general court, in all such
cases as are appealable, ''as in cases judged evidently against
"law, or in cases wherein the subject is sentenced to banish-
''ment, loss of Hmb, or life, without an express law, or in cases
''weighty and difficult, (not admitting small matters, the pur-
"suit whereof would be more burdensome to the court and
"country, than behoveful to the appellant, nor needlessly in-
"terrupting the ordinary course of justice in the court of as-
"sistants, or other inferior courts;) provided also, that if it do
"appear, that the appeal proceed not out of regard of right, but
"from delay of justice, or out of contention, that a due and just
"punishment be by law ordained, and inflicted upon such
"appellant."
That no magistrate hath power to vary from the penalty of
any law, etc., without consulting with the general court.
3. Quest. Whether the titles of governor, deputy, and as-
sistants do necessarily imply magistratical authority, in the
patent?
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 217
The elders' answer was affirmative.
4. Quest. Whether the magistratical power be not given
by the patent to the people or general court, and by them to the
governor, etc.
The elders answer, the magistratical power is given to the
governor, etc., by the patent. To the people is given, by the
same patent, to design the persons to those places of govern-
ment; and to the general court power is given to make laws,
as the rules of their administration.
These resolutions of the elders were after put to vote, and
were all allowed to be received, except those in the last page
marked in the margin thus, '' ". Most of the deputies were
now well satisfied concerning the authority of the magistrates,
etc., but some few leading men (who had drawn on the rest)
were still fixed upon their own opinions. So hard a matter it
is, to draw men (even wise and godly) from the love of the
fruit of their own inventions.*
There fell out at this court another occasion of further
trouble. The deputy governor having formerly, and from time
to time, opposed the deputies' claim of judicial authority, and
the prescribing of set penalties in cases which may admit vari-
able degrees of guilt, which occasioned them to suspect, that he,
and some others of the magistrates, did affect an arbitrary gov-
ernment, he now wrote a small treatise about these points, show-
ing what arbitrary government was, and that our government
(in the state it now stood) was not arbitrary, neither in the
ground and foundation of it, nor in the exercise and adminis-
tration thereof. And because it is of pubhc, and (for the most
part) of general concernment, and being a subject not formerly
handled by any that I have met with, so as it may be of use to
stir up some of more experience and more able parts to bestow
their pains herein, I have therefore made bold to set down the
^ This detailed and labored expounding of the patent by the elders for the
benefit of the uneasy deputies is an incident in the long struggle in which the
people conquered.
218 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1644
whole discourse, with the proceedings which happened about
it, in a treatise by itself, with some small alterations and addi-
tions (not in the substance of the matter) for clearer evidence
of the question. And I must apologize this to the reader, that
I do not condemn all prescript penalties, although the argument
seem to hold forth so much, but only so far as they cross with
the rules of justice, and prudence, and mercy; also, in such
cases of smaller concernment, as wherein there may be lawful
liberty allowed to judges to use admonition, or to respite an
offender to further trial of reformation, etc.*
At this court Mr. Saltonstall moved very earnestly that he
might be left out at the next election, and pursued his motion
after to the towns. It could not appear what should move him
to it; only Mr. Bellingham and he held together, and joined
with the deputies against the rest of the magistrates, but not
prevaiUng, and being oft opposed in pubHc, might put some
discouragement upon his spirit, to see all differ from him save
one. And indeed it occasioned much grief to all the elders,
and gave great offence through the country ; and such as were
acquainted with other states in the world, and had not well
known the persons, would have concluded such a faction here
as hath been usual in the council of England and other states,
who walk by politic principles only. But these gentlemen
were such as feared God, and endeavored to walk by the rules
of his word in all their proceedings, so as it might be conceived
in charity, that they walked according to their judgments and
conscience, and where they went aside, it was merely for want
of light, or their eyes were held through some temptation for a
time, that they could not make use of the hght they had ; for
in all these differences and agitations about them, they con-
tinued in brotherly love, and in the exercise of all friendly
offices each to other, as occasion required.
One Cornish, dwelling some time in Weymouth, removed to
Acomenticus, for more outward accommodation, and in the
^ The tract is printed in Winthrop's Winthrop, II. 445.
1644] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 219
[blank] month last was taken up in the river, his head bruised,
and a pole sticking in his side, and his canoe laden with clay
found sunk. His wife (being a lewd woman, and suspected to
have fellowship with one Footman) coming to her husband, he
bled abundantly, and so he did also, when Footman was
brought to him ;* but no evidence could be found against him.
Then something was discovered against the son of Mr. Hull,
their minister, and the woman was arraigned before the mayor,
Mr. Roger Garde, and others of the province of Maine, and
strong presumptions came in against her, whereupon she was
condemned and executed. She persisted in the denial of the
murder to the death, but confessed to have Hved in adultery
with divers. She charged two specially,, the said Garde, the
mayor, and one Edward Johnson, who confessed it openly at
the time of her execution ; but the mayor denied it, and it gave
some hkehhood that he was not guilty, because he had carried
himself very zealously and impartially in discovery of the mur-
der. But there might be skill in that ; and he was but a carnal
man, and had no wife in the country, and some witnesses came
in against him of his acknowledgment to the woman, etc.
^ That the body of a murdered man bleeds afresh in presence of the murderer
is an inveterate superstition of the Teutonic race. In the Nibelungen Lied, the
body of Siegfried bleeds afresh in the presence of Hagen; the belief still persists
in the ruder communities of the United States.
1645
12. (February) 17.] Mr. Allerton coming from New Haven
in a ketch, with his wife and divers other persons, were taken
in a great storm at northeast with much snow, and cast away
at Scituate, but the persons all saved.
12. (February) 16.] The winter was very mild hitherto, and
no snow lay, so as ploughs might go most part of the winter, but
now there fell so great a snow in several days, as the ways were
unpassable for three weeks, so as the court of assistants held not
(the magistrates and juries not coming to Boston (1) 4 (March)
being the usual day for that court). And withal the weather
was cold, and the frost as fierce as is at any time of the winter ;
and the snow was not off the ground till the end of the first
month.
1645.] 2. (April) 6.] Two great fires happened this week,
one at Salem; Mr. Downing having built a new house at his
farm, he being gone to England, and his wife and family gone
to the church meeting upon the Lord's day, the chimney took
fire, and burnt down the house, and bedding, apparel, and
household to the value of 200 poimds. The other was at Rox-
bury this day. John Johnson, the surveyor general of the am-
munition, a very industrious and faithful man in his place, hav-
ing built a fair house in the midst of the town, with divers
bams and other out houses, it fell on fire in the day time, (no
man knowing by what occasion,) and there being in it seven-
teen barrels of the country's powder and many arms, all was
suddenly burnt and blown up, to the value of 4 or 500 pounds,
wherein a special providence of God appeared, for he being
from home, the people came together to help, and many were
in the house, no man thinking of the powder, till one of the
company put them in mind of it, whereupon they all withdrew,
220
1645] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 221
and soon after the powder took fire, and blew up all about it,
and shook the houses in Boston and Cambridge, so as men
thought it had been an earthquake, and carried great pieces of
timber a great way off and some rags and such Ught things be-
yond Boston meeting house. There being then a stiff gale at
south, it drove the fire from the other houses in the town, (for
this was the most northerly,) otherwise it had endangered the
greatest part of the town. This loss of our powder was the
more observable in two respects, 1. Because the court had not
taken that care they ought to pay for it, having been owing for
divers years ; 2. In that, at the court before, they had refused
to help our countrymen in Virginia, who had written to us for
some for their defence against the Indians, and also to help our
brethren of Plymouth in their want.
Mr. Wheelwright being removed from Exeter to Wells, the
people remaining fell at variance among themselves. Some
would gather a new church, and call old Mr. Batchellor from
Hampton to be their pastor, and for that purpose appointed a
day, and gave notice thereof to the magistrates and churches,
but the court, understanding of their divisions and present un-
fitness for so solemn and sacred a business, sent and wrote
to them (by way of direction only) to desist for that time, and
not to proceed until upon satisfaction given to this court, or
the court at Ipswich, of their reconciliation, they might proceed
with allowance of authority, according to order. To this they
submitted, and did not proceed.
The question about Seacunk, now Rehoboth, being revived
this court, whether it should belong to this jurisdiction (upon
the submission of the purchasers, etc.) or to Plymouth by right
of their patent, the court (by order) referred it to the judgment
of the commissioners of the union, who decreed it for Plymouth,
with reservation, if better evidence should appear by the next
meeting.
Some malignant spirits began to stir, and declare themselves
for the king, etc., whereupon an order was made to restrain
222 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
such courses, and to prevent all such turbulent practices, either
by action, word, or writing.
The court ordered letters of thanks to be sent to Mr. Richard
Andrews of London, haberdasher, for his gift of 500 pounds,
and to the Lady Armine for her gift of 20 pounds per annum,
and to the Lady Moulson for her gift, which was done accord-
ingly by the committee appointed.*
Upon advice from Mr. Weld, remaining still at London, a
commission was sent under the pubHc seal to Mr. Pocock and
divers other our friends in London to this effect, 1. To answer
for us upon all such occasions as may be presented to the par-
liament or any other court or officer, concerning us or our
affairs, but not to engage us, without our consent, 2. To receive
all letters and other despatches of pubhc nature or concern-
ment from us, 3. To advise us of all occurrents as may happen
touching our colony, 4. To receive all moneys or other things
due to us from any person in England, by gift or otherwise,
and to dispose of them by direction under our pubhc seal.
Mr. John Winthrop, the younger, coming from England two
years since, brought with him 1000 pounds stock and divers
workmen to begin an iron work, and had moved the court for
some encouragement to be given the undertakers, and for the
court to join in carrying on the work, etc. The business was
well approved by the court, as a thing much conducing to the
good of the country, but we had no stock in the treasury to
give furtherance to it, only some two or three private persons
joined in it, and the court granted the adventurers near all their
demands, as a monopoly of it for twenty-one years, hberty to
* The last two gifts were to the college. Andrews had before shown himself
generous. Lady Armine, granddaughter of the Earl of Shrewsbury, was wife
of Sir William Armine, associated with Vane in the negotiation of the Solemn
League and Covenant with the Scots, and a statesman of eminence. Lady Mowl-
son had, in 1643, by a gift of £100, founded the first scholarship in Harvard
College. She was the daughter of a London alderman, and widow of a lord
mayor. Her maiden name was Ann Radcliffe. Radcliffe College has been
named for her.
1645] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 223
make use of any six places not already granted, and to have
three miles square in every place to them and their heirs, and
freedom from public charges, trainings, etc., and this was now
sent them over under the pubUc seal this year.*
The court, finding that the over number of deputies drew
out the courts into great length, and put the country to ex-
cessive charges, so as some one court hath expended more
[than] 200 pounds, etc., did think fit to have fewer deputies,
and so to have only five or six out of each shire; and be-
cause the deputies were still unsatisfied with the magistrates'
negative vote, the magistrates consented to lay it down, so as
the deputies might not exceed them in number, and those to be
the prime men of the country, to be chosen by the whole shires ;
but they agreed first to know the mind of the country. But
upon trial, the greater number of towns refused it, so it was
left for this time.
At this court in the third month Passaconaway, the chief
sachem of Merimack, and his sons came and submitted them-
selves and their people and lands under our jurisdiction, as
Pumham and others had done before.
Mr. Shepherd, the pastor of the church in Cambridge, being
at Connecticut when the commissioners met there for the
United Colonies, moved them for some contribution of help
towards the maintenance of poor scholars in the college, where-
upon the commissioners ordered that it should be commended
to the deputies of the general courts and the elders within the
several colonies to raise (by way of voluntary contribution)
one peck of com or twelve pence money, or other commodity,
of every family, which those of Connecticut presently performed.
5. (July) 3.] By order of the general court, upon advice
with the elders, a general fast was kept. The occasions were,
* These mining operations proved successful, ore in considerable amounts
being obtained. The enterprise receives much notice in the public records.
Boston Town Records, Second Report of the Record Commissioners (1877), I. 77,
91, 92, 127; Records of Massachusetts, II. 61 (March 7, 1643/4).
224 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
the miseries of England, and our own differences in the general
court, and also for the great drought. In this latter the Lord
prevented our prayers in sending us rain soon after, and before
the day of humihation came.
Divers free schools were erected, as at Roxbury (for main-
tenance whereof every inhabitant bound some house or land for
a yearly allowance forever) and at Boston (where they made
an order to allow forever 50 pounds to the master and an house,
and 30 pounds to an usher, who should also teach to read and
write and cipher, and Indians' children were to be taught freely,
and the charge to be by yearly contribution, either by voluntary
allowance, or by rate of such as refused, etc., and this order
was confirmed by the general court [blank]). Other towns did
the like, providing maintenance by several means.^
By agreement of the commissioners, and the motions of the
elders in their several churches, every family in each colony
gave one peck of com or twelve pence to the college at Cam-
bridge.
1. (March) 25.] Another strange accident happened by
fire about this time. One Mr. Peck and three others of Hing-
ham, being about with others to remove to Seaconk, (which
was concluded by the commissioners of the United Colonies to
belong to Plymouth,) riding thither, they sheltered themselves
and their horses in an Indian wigwam, which by some occasion
took fire, and (although they were all four in it, and labored
to their utmost, etc.) burnt three of their horses to death, and
all their goods to the value of 50 pounds.
Also some children were killed, and others sore scorched
with wearing cloaths of cotton, which was very apt to take
fire, and hard to be quenched; so as one man of Watertown
* This passage is of interest as referring to the origin in New England of the
common school, which may be traced farther back than the present date. In
the Boston Town Records, p. 5 (April 13, 1635), Philemon Porraont is mentioned
as "intreated" to undertake a school, and next year comes a list of subscribers,
headed by Henry Vane, the governor. For reference to the sources of the common
school system, see Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, I. 123.
1645] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 225
being so cloathed, and taking fire by endeavoring to save his
house being on fire, was forced to run into a well to save his life.
2. (April) 13.] Mr. Hopkins, the governor of Hartford upon
Connecticut, came to Boston, and brought his wife with him, (a
godly young woman, and of special parts,) who was fallen into
a sad infirmity, the loss of her understanding and reason,
which had been growing upon her divers years, by occasion of
her giving herself wholly to reading and writing, and had writ-
ten many books. Her husband, being very loving and tender
of her, was loath to grieve her; but he saw his error, when it
was too late. For if she had attended her household affairs,
and such things as belong to women, and not gone out of her
way and caUing to meddle in such things as are proper for men,
whose minds are stronger, etc., she had kept her wits, and
might have improved them usefully and honorably in the place
God had set her. He brought her to Boston, and left her with
her brother, one Mr. Yale, a merchant, to try what means
might be had here for her. But no help could be had.*
The governor and assistants met at Boston, to consider
what might lawfully be done for saving La Tour and his fort
out of the hands of D'Aulnay, who was now before it with all
his strength both of men and vessels. So soon as we were met,
word was brought us, that a vessel sent by some merchants to
carry provisions to La Tour was fallen into the hands of D'Aul-
nay, who had made prize of her, and turned the men upon an
island, and kept them there ten days, and then gave them an
old shallop (not above two tons) and some provisions to bring
them home, but denied them their clothes, etc. (which at first
he had promised them) and any gun or compass, whereby
it was justly conceived that he intended they should perish,
either at sea, or by the Indians (who were at hand, and chased
them next day, etc.). Upon this news we presently despatched
away a vessel to D'Aulnay with letters, wherein we expostu-
lated with him about this act of his, complaining of it as a
' Mrs. Hopkins was aunt of Elihu Yale, founder of Yale University.
226 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
breach of the articles of our peace, and required the vessel and
goods to be restored, or satisfaction for them. We gave
answer also to some charges he laid upon us in a letter lately
written to our governor, carried on in very high language, as
if we had hired the ships, which carried home the lady La Tour,
and had broken our articles by a bare sufferance of it, etc.,
which caused us to answer him accordingly, that he might see
we took notice of his proud terms, and were not afraid of him.
And whereas he oft threatened us with the king of France his
power, etc., we answered that we did acknowledge him to be
a mighty prince, but we conceived withal he would continue
to be just, and would not break out against us, without hearing
our answer, or if he should, yet New England had a God, who
was able to save us, and did not use to forsake his servants, etc.
So soon as he had set our men upon an island, in a deep snow,
without fire, and only a sorry wigwam for their shelter, he car-
ried his ship up close to La Tour's fort (supposing they would
have yielded it up to him, for the friars and other their con-
federates whom the lady presently upon her arrival had sent
away, had persuaded him that he might easily gain the place.
La Tour being come into the Bay, and not above fifty men left
in it, and httle powder, and that decayed also ;) but after they
had moored their ship, and began to let fly at the fort with their
ordnance, they within behaved themselves so well with their
ordnance, that they tare his ship so as he was forced to warp
her on shore behind a point of land, to save her from sinking,
(for the wind coming easterly, they could not bring her forth,)
and they killed (as one of his own men reported) twenty of
his men, and wounded thirteen more.
The governor and assistants had used for ten or eleven
years at least to appoint one to preach on the day of election,
but about three or four years since the deputies challenged it
as their right, and accordingly had twice made the choice, (the
magistrates still professing it to be a mere intrusion, etc.,) and
now at the last general court in October they had given order
1645] JOHN ENDICOTT, GOVERNOR 227
to call Mr. Norton to that service, (never acquainting the magis-
trates therewith,) and about some two months before the time,
the governor and divers other of the magistrates (not knowing
any thing of what the deputies had done) agreed upon Mr.
Norris of Salem, and gave him notice of it. But at this
meeting of the magistrates it grew a question, whether of
these two should be employed, seeing both had been invited,
and both were prepared. At last it was put to vote, and that
determined it upon Mr. Norton. The reason was, the unwilUng-
ness of the magistrates to have any fresh occasion of contesta-
tion with the deputies. But some judged it afaiUng (especially
in one or two who had already joined in calHng Mr. Norris)
and a betraying, or at least weakening the power of the magis-
trates, and a countenancing of an unjust usurpation. For
the deputies could do no such act, as an act of court, without
the concurrence of the magistrates ; and out of court they had
no power at "all, (but only for regulating their own body,)
and it was resolved and voted at last court, (according to the
elders' advice,) that all occurrents out of court belong to the
magistrates to take care of, being the standing council of the
commonwealth.
One of our ships, which went to the Canaries with pipestaves
in the beginning of November last, returned now, and brought
wine, and sugar, and salt, and some tobacco, which she had at
Barbadoes, in exchange for Africoes, which she carried from
the Isle of Maio.* She brought us news, that a ship of ours of
about 260 tons, set out from Cambridge before winter, was set
upon, near the Canaries, by an Irish man-of-war,^ which had
seventy men and twenty pieces of ordnance, whereas ours had
but fourteen pieces and not above thirty men, and the Irishman
grappled with our ship, and boarded her, and fought with her,
^ A man of Winthrop's generation took such slave trading as is here referred
to, as the ordinary course of business. The Isla de Maio was one of the Cape
Verde Islands.
^ The harbors of Ireland, especially Old Kinsale, became in the Civil War
refuges for the King's ships which are described as Irish.
228 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
side by side, near a whole day, but falling off, a shot of ours
had taken off their steerage, so as they could not bring their
ship to ours again, but we received a shot under water, which
had near sunk our ship, but the Lord preserved her and our
men, so as we had but two slain in all that time and some four
wounded ; but the damage of the ship and her merchandise was
between 2 and 300 pounds.
We had tidings also of another of our ships of the like force,
set out from Boston, which the Earl of Marlborough had lain
in wait for at the Madeiras a good time, and with a ship of
great force, but it pleased the Lord to send him away the very
day before our ship arrived there.
The wars in England kept servants from coming to us, so as
those we had could not be hired, when their times were out,
but upon unreasonable terms, and we found it very difficult to
pay their wages to their content, (for money was very scarce).
I may upon this occasion report a passage between one of
Rowley and his servant. The master, being forced to sell a pair
of his oxen to pay his servant his wages, told his servant he
could keep him no longer, not knowing how to pay him the next
year. The servant answered, he would serve him for more of
his cattle. But how shall I do (saith the master) when all
my cattle are gone? The servant replied, you shall then serve
me, and so you may have your cattle again.*
A village was erected near Ljnm, and called Reading;
another village erected between Salem and Gloucester, and
called Manchester.
Among other benefactors to this colony, one Union Butcher,
a clothier, near Cranbrook in Kent, did (for divers years to-
gether, in a private way) send over a good quantity of cloth,
to be disposed of to some godly poor people.
The government of Plymouth sent one of their magistrates,
* This passage, perhaps, approached the humorous more nearly than anything
else in the Journal. Winthrop, staid and aristocratic, writes in the margin op-
posite, "insolent."
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 229
Mr. Brown, to Aquiday Island to forbid Mr. Williams, etc., to
exercise any of their pretended authority upon the Island,
claiming it to be within their jurisdiction.*
Our court also sent to forbid them to exercise any authority
within that part of our jurisdiction at Patuxent and Mishaomet ;
and although they had boasted to do great matters there by
virtue of their charter, yet they dared not to attempt anything.
3. (May) 14.] The court of elections was held at Boston.
Mr. Thomas Dudley was chosen governor, Mr. Winthrop, depu-
ty governor again, and Mr. Endecott, serjeant major general.
Mr. Israel Stoughton, having been in England the year before,
and now gone again about his private occasions, was by vote
left out, and Herbert Pelham, Esquire, chosen an assistant.
This court fell out a troublesome business, which took
up much time. The town of Hingham, having one Ernes
their lieutenant seven or eight years, had lately chosen him to
be their captain, and had presented him to the standing council
for allowance ; but before it was accomplished, the greater part
of the town took some hght occasion of offence against him,
and chose one Allen to be their captain, and presented him to
the magistrates (in the time of the last general court) to be
allowed. But the magistrates, considering the injury that
would hereby accrue to Emes, (who had been their chief com-
mander so many years, and had deserved well in his place, and
that Allen had no other skill, but what he learned from Emes,)
refused to allow of Allen, but willed both sides to return home,
and every officer to keep his place, until the court should take
further order. Upon their return home, the messengers, who
came for Allen, called a private meeting of those of their own
party, and told them truly, what answer they received from
the magistrates, and soon after they appointed a training day,
(without their lieutenant's knowledge,) and being assembled,
' Savage's note may be quoted. " I rejoice in the defeat of this futile claim
by Plymouth, and equally rejoice in the ill success of the attempt by our own
people mentioned in the next paragraph."
230 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
the lieutenant hearing of it came to them, and would have ex-
ercised them, as he was wont to do, but those of the other party
refused to follow him, except he would show them some order
for it. He told them of the magistrates' order about it; the
others rephed, that authority had advised him to go home and
lay down his place honorably. Another asked, what the magis-
trates had to do with them? Another, that it was but three or
four of the magistrates, and if they had been all there, it had
been nothing, for Mr. Allen had brought more for them from
the deputies, than the heutenant had from the magistrates.
Another of them professeth he will die at the sword's point, if
he might not have the choice of his own officers. Another
(viz. the clerk of the band) stands up above the people and
requires them to vote, whether they would bear them out
in what was past and what was to come. This being assented
unto, and the tumult continuing, one of the officers (he who
had told them that authority had advised the heutenant to
go home and lay down his place) required Allen to take the
captain's place; but he not then accepting it, they put it to
the vote, whether he should be their captain. The vote passing
for it, he then told the company, it was now past question, and
thereupon Allen accepted it, and exercised the company two or
three days, only about a third part of them followed the lieu-
tenant. He, having denied in the open field, that authority
had advised him to lay down his place, and putting (in some
sort) the he upon those who had so reported, was the next
Lord's day called to answer it before the church, and he stand-
ing to maintain what he had said, five witnesses were produced
to convince him. Some of them affirmed the words, the others
explained their meaning to be, that one magistrate had so
advised him. He denied both. Whereupon the pastor, one
Mr. Hubbert,* (brother to three of the principal in this sedition,)
• Peter Hobart, Hubbert, or Hubbard, so strenuous in this tea-pot tempest
in Hingham which became the occasion of such a difference between the magis-
trates and the democracy, was a scholar of Magdalene College, Cambridge. He
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 231
was very forward to have excommunicated the lieutenant
presently, but, upon some opposition, it was put off to the
next day. Thereupon the lieutenant and some three or four
more of the chief men of the town inform four of the next
magistrates of these proceedings, who forthwith met at Boston
about it, (viz. the deputy governor, the serjeant major general,
the secretary, and Mr. Hibbins). These, considering the case,
sent warrant to the constable to attach some of the principal
offenders (viz. three of the Hubbards and two more) to appear
before them at Boston, to find sureties for their appearance
at the next court, etc. Upon the day they came to Boston,
but their said brother the minister came before them, and fell
to expostulate with the said magistrates about the said cause,
complaining against the complainants, as talebearers, etc.,
taking it very disdainfully that his brethren should be sent for
by a constable, with other high speeches, which were so
provoking, as some of the Tuagistrates told him, that, were it
not for respect to his ministry, they would commit him. When
his brethren and the rest were come in, the matters of the in-
formation were laid to their charge, which they denied for the
most part. So they were bound over (each for other) to the
next court of assistants. After this five others were sent for by
summons (these were only for speaking untruths of the magis-
trates in the church). They came before the deputy governor,
when he was alone, and demanded the cause of their sending
for, and to know their accusers. The deputy told them so
much of the cause as he could remember, and referred them to
the secretary for a copy, and for their accusers he told them they
knew both the men and the matter, neither was a judge bound
to let a criminal offender know his accusers before the day of
trial, but only in his own discretion, least the accuser might be
taken off or perverted, etc. Being required to give bond for
became minister of Hingham in 1635, where he remained nearly forty-five years.
Five sons, four of them divines, were educated at Harvard. Few New England
names have spread more widely or appear in more honorable connections.
232 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
their appearance, etc., they refused. The deputy labored to
let them see their error, and gave them time to consider of it.
About fourteen days after, seeing two of them in the court,
(which was kept by those four magistrates for smaller causes,)
the deputy required them again to enter bond for their
appearance, etc., and upon their second refusal committed
them it nhat open court.
The general court falling out before the court of assistants,
the Hubberts and the two which were committed, and others of
Hingham, about ninety, (whereof Mr. Hubbert their minister
was the first,) presented a petition to the general court, to this
effect, that whereas some of them had been bound over, and
others committed by some of the magistrates for words spoken
concerning the power of the general court, and their hberties,
and the hberties of the church, etc., they craved that the court
would hear the cause, etc. This was first presented to the
deputies, who sent it to the magistrates, desiring their concur-
rence with them, that the cause might be heard, etc. The
magistrates, marvelling that they would grant such a petition,
without desiring conference first with themselves, whom it so
much concerned, returned answer, that they were willing the
cause should be heard, so as the petitioners would name the
magistrates whom they intended, and the matters they would
lay to their charge, etc. Upon this the deputies demanded of
the petitioners' agents (who were then deputies of the court) to
have satisfaction in those points, thereupon they singled out
the deputy governor, and two of the petitioners undertook the
prosecution. Then the petition was returned again to the
magistrates for their consent, etc., who being desirous that
the deputies might take notice, how prejudicial to authority and
the honor of the court it would be to call a magistrate to
answer criminally in a cause, wherein nothing of that nature
could be laid to his charge, and that without any private ex-
amination preceding, did intimate so much to the deputies,
(though not directly, yet plainly enough,) showing them that
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 233
nothing criminal, etc. was laid to his charge, and that the things
objected were the act of the court, etc., yet if they would needs
have a hearing, they would join in it. And indeed it was
the desire of the deputy, (knowing well how much himself and
the other magistrates did suffer in the cause, through the
slanderous reports wherewith the deputies and the country
about had been possessed,) that the cause might receive a
public hearing.
The day appointed being come, the court assembled in the
meeting house at Boston. Divers of the elders were present,
and a great assembly of people. The deputy governor, com-
ing in with the rest of the magistrates, placed himself beneath
within the bar, and so sate uncovered. Some question was in
the court about his being in that place (for many both of the
court and the assembly were grieved at it). But the deputy
telling them, that, being criminally accused, he might not sit as
a judge in that cause, and if he were upon the bench, it would
be a great disadvantage to him, for he could not take that
Hberty to plead the cause, which he ought to be allowed at
the bar, upon this the court was satisfied.
The petitioners having declared their grievances, etc., the
deputy craved leave to make answer, which was to this effect,
viz., that he accounted it no disgrace, but rather an honor put
upon him, to be singled out from his brethren in the defence of
a cause so just (as he hoped to make that appear) and of so
pubUc concernment. And although he might have pleaded to
the petition, and so have demurred in law, upon three points,
1. In that there is nothing laid to his charge, that is either crim-
inal or unjust; 2, if he had been mistaken either in the law or
in the state of the case, yet whether it were such as a judge is
to be called in question for as a delinquent, where it doth not
appear to be wickedness or wilfulness; for in England many
erroneous judgments are reversed, and errors in proceedings
rectified, and yet the judges not called in question about them;
3, in that being thus singled out from three other of the magis-
234 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
trates, and to answer by himself for some things, which were
the act of a court, he is deprived of the just means of his de-
fence, for many things may be justified as done by four, which
are not warrantable if done by one alone, and the records of a
court are a full justification of any act, while such record
stands in force. But he was wilHng to waive this plea, and to
make answer to the particular charges, to the end that the
truth of the case, and of all proceedings thereupon might ap-
pear to all men.
Hereupon the court proceeded to examine the whole cause.
The deputy justified all the particulars laid to his charge, as
that upon credible information of such a mutinous practice,
and open disturbance of the peace, and sHghting of authority,
the offenders were sent for, the principal by warrant to the con-
stable to bring them, and others by summons, and that some
were boimd over to the next court of assistants, and others that
refused to be bound were committed ; and all this according to
the equity of laws here established, and the custom and laws
of England, and our constant practice here these fifteen years.
And for some speeches he was charged with as spoken to the
dehnquents, when they came before him at his house, when
none were present with him but themselves, first, he appealed
to the judgment of the court, whether dehnquents may be re-
ceived as competent witnesses against a magistrate in such a
case; then, for the words themselves, some he justified, some
he explained so as no advantage could be taken of them, as
that he should say, that the magistrates could try some criminal
causes without a jury, that he knew no law of God or man,
which required a judge to make known to the party his ac-
cusers (or rather witnesses) before the cause came to hearing.
But two of them charged him to have said, that it was against
the law of God and man so to do, which had been absurd, for
the deputy professed he knew no law against it, only a judge
may sometimes, in discretion, conceal their names, etc., least
they should be tampered with, or conveyed out of the way, etc.
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 235
Two of the magistrates and many of the deputies were of
opinion that the magistrates exercised too much power, and
that the people's Uberty was thereby in danger; and other of
the deputies (being about half) and all the rest of the magis-
trates were of a different judgment, and that authority was
overmuch shghted, which, if not timely remedied, would en-
danger the commonwealth, and bring us to a mere democracy.
By occasion of this difference, there was not so orderly carriage
at the hearing, as was meet, each side striving unseasonably to
enforce the evidence, and declaring their judgments thereupon,
which should have been reserved to a more private debate, (as
after it was,) so as the best part of two days was spent in this
pubHc agitation and examination of witnesses, etc. This being
ended, a committee was chosen of magistrates and deputies,
who stated the case, as it appeared upon the whole pleading
and evidence, though it cost much time, and with great diffi-
culty did the committee come to accord upon it.
The case being stated and agreed, the magistrates and depu-
ties considered it apart, first the deputies, having spent a whole
day, and not attaining to any issue, sent up to the magistrates
to have their thoughts about it, who taking it into considera-
tion, (the deputy always withdrawing when that matter came
into debate,) agreed upon these four points chiefly; 1. That
the petition was false and scandalous, 2. That those who were
bound over, etc., and others that were parties to the disturbance
at Hingham, were all offenders, though in different degrees, 3.
That they and the petitioners were to be censured, 4. That the
deputy governor ought to be acquit and righted, etc. This
being sent down to the deputies, they spent divers days about
it, and made two or three returns to the magistrates, and though
they found the petition false and scandalous, and so voted it,
yet they would not agree to any censure. The magistrates,
on the other side, were resolved for censure, and for the deputy's
full acquittal. The deputies being thus hard held to it, and
growing weary of the court, for it began (3) (May) 14, and brake
236 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
not up (save one week) till (5) (July) 5, were content they
should pay the charges of the court. After, they were drawn
to consent to some small fines, but in this they would have
drawn in lieutenant Emes to have been fined deeply, he being
neither plaintiff nor defendant, but an informer only, and had
made good all the points of his information, and no offence
found in him, other than that which was after adjudged worthy
admonition only ; and they would have imposed the charges of
the court upon the whole trained band at Hingham, when it
was apparent, that divers were innocent, and had no hand
in any of these proceedings. The magistrates not consenting to
so manifest injustice, they sent to the deputies to desire them
to join with them in calhng in the help of the elders, (for they
were now assembled at Cambridge from all parts of the United
Colonies, and divers of them were present when the cause was
pubhcly heard, and declared themselves much grieved to see
that the deputy governor -should be called forth to answer as a
dehnquent in such a case as this was, and one of them, in the
name of the rest, had written to him to that effect, fearing least
he should apprehend over deeply of the injury, etc.) but the
deputies would by no means consent thereto, for they knew
that many of the elders understood the cause, and were more
careful to uphold the honor and power of the magistrates than
themselves well hked of, and many of them (at the request of
the elder and others of the church of Hingham during this
court) had been at Hingham, to see if they could settle peace
in the church there, and found the elder and others the peti-
tioners in great fault, etc. After this (upon motion of the depu-
ties) it was agreed to refer the cause to arbitrators according
to an order of court, when the magistrates and deputies cannot
agree, etc. The magistrates named six of the elders of the
next towns, and left it to them to choose any three or four of
them, and required them to name six others. The deputies
finding themselves now at the wall, and not daring to trust the
elders with the cause, they sent to desire that six of themselves
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 237
might come and confer with the magistrates, which being
granted, they came, and at last came to this agreement, viz.,
the chief petitioners and the rest of the offenders were severally
fined, (all their fines not amounting to 50 pounds,) the rest of
the petitioners to bear equal share to 50 pounds more to-
wards the charges of the court, (two of the principal offenders
were the deputies of the town, Joshua Hubbert and Bozone
Allen, the first was fined 20 pounds, and the other 5 pounds,)
Heutenant Emes to be under admonition, the deputy governor to
be legally and publicly acquit of all that was laid to his charge.
According to this agreement, (5) {July) 3, presently after
the lecture the magistrates and deputies took their places
in the meeting house, and the people being come together, and
the deputy governor placing himself within the bar, as at the
time of the hearing, etc., the governor read the sentence of
the court, without speaking any more, for the deputies had (by
importunity) obtained a promise of silence from the magis-
trates. Then was the deputy governor desired by the court
to go up and take his place again upon the bench, which he
did accordingly, and the court being about to arise, he desired
leave for a little speech, which was to this effect.
I suppose something may be expected from me, upon this charge
that is befallen me, which moves me to speak now to you; yet I intend
not to intermeddle in the proceedings of the court, or with any of the per-
sons concerned therein. Only I bless God, that I see an issue of this
troublesome business. I also acknowledge the justice of the court, and,
for mine own part, I am well satisfied, I was publicly charged, and I am
publicly and legally acquitted, which is all I did expect or desire. And
though this be sufficient for my justification before men, yet not so before
the God, who hath seen so much amiss in my dispensations (and even
in this affair) as calls me to be humble. For to be publicly and criminally
charged in this court, is matter of humiliation, (and I desire to make a
right use of it,) notwithstanding I be thus acquitted. If her father had
spit in her face, (saith the Lord concerning Miriam,) should she not have
been ashamed seven days? Shame had lien upon her, whatever the oc-
casion had been. I am unwilling to stay you from your urgent affairs,
238 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
yet give me leave (upon this special occasion) to speak a little more to this
assembly. It may be of some good use, to inform and rectify the judg-
ments of some of the people, and may prevent such distempers as have
arisen amongst us. The great questions that have troubled the country,
are about the authority of the magistrates and the liberty of the people.
It is yourselves who have called us to this office, and being called by you,
we have our authority from God, in way of an ordinance, such as hath the
image of God eminently stamped upon it, the contempt and violation
whereof hath been vindicated with examples of divine vengeance. I
entreat you to consider, that when you choose magistrates, you take them
from among yourselves, men subject to like passions as you are. There-
fore when you see infirmities in us, you should reflect upon your own,
and that would make you bear the more with us, and not be severe cen-
surers of the failings of your magistrates, when you have continual ex-
perience of the like infirmities in yourselves and others. We account him
a good servant, who breaks not his covenant. The covenant between
you and us is the oath you have taken of us, which is to this purpose,
that we shall govern you and judge your causes by the rules of God's
laws and our own, according to our best skill. When you agree with a
workman to build you a ship or house, etc., he undertakes as well for his
skill as for his faithfulness, for it is his profession, and you pay him for
both. But when you call one to be a magistrate, he doth not profess
nor undertake to have sufficient skill for that office, nor can you furnish
him with gifts, etc., therefore you must run the hazard of his skill and
ability. But if he fail in faithfulness, which by his oath he is bound
unto, that he must answer for. If it fall out that the case be clear to com-
mon apprehension, and the rule clear also, if he transgress here, the
error is not in the skill, but in the evil of the will: it must be required of
him. But if the case be doubtful, or the rule doubtful, to men of such
understanding and parts as your magistrates are, if your magistrates
should err here, yourselves must bear it.
For the other point concerning liberty, I observe a great mistake in
the country about that. There is a twofold liberty, natural (I mean as our
nature is now corrupt) and civil or federal. The first is common to man
with beasts and other creatures. By this, man, as he stands in relation
to man simply, hath liberty to do what he lists; it is a liberty to evil as
well as to good. This liberty is incompatible and inconsistent with
authority, and cannot endure the least restraint of the most just authority.
The exercise and maintaining of this liberty makes men grow more evil,
and in time to be worse than brute beasts: omnes sum us licentia dete-
riores. This is that great enemy of truth and peace, that wild beast, which
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 239
all the ordinances of God are bent against, to restrain and subdue it.
The other kind of liberty I call civil or federal, it may also be termed
moral, in reference to the covenant between God and man, in the moral
law, and the politic covenants and constitutions, amongst men themselves.
This liberty is the proper end and object of authority, and cannot subsist
without it; and it is a liberty to that only which is good, just, and honest.
This liberty you are to stand for, with the hazard (not only of your goods,
but) of your lives, if need be. Whatsoever crosseth this, is not authority,
but a distemper thereof. This liberty is maintained and exercised in a
way of subjection to authority; it is of the same kind of liberty wherewith
Christ hath made us free. The woman's own choice makes such a man
her husband ; yet being so chosen, he is her lord, and she is to be subject
to him, yet in a way of liberty, not of bondage; and a true wife accounts
her subjection her honor and freedom, and would not think her condition
safe and free, but in her subjection to her husband's authority. Such is
the liberty of the church under the authority of Christ, her king and hus-
band; his yoke is so easy and sweet to her as a bride's ornaments; and if
through frowardness or wantonness, etc., she shake it off, at any time,
she is at no rest in her spirit, until she take it up again ; and whether her
lord smiles upon her, and embraceth her in his arms, or whether he frowns,
or rebukes, or smites her, she apprehends the sweetness of his love in all,
and is refreshed, supported, and instructed by every such dispensation of
his authority over her. On the other side, ye know who they are that
complain of this yoke and say, let us break their bands, etc., we will not
have this man to rule over us. Even so, brethren, it will be between you
and your magistrates. If you stand for your natural corrupt liberties, and
will do what is good in your own eyes, you will not endure the least weight
of authority, but will murmur, and oppose, and be always striving to
shake off that yoke; but if you will be satisfied to enjoy such civil and
lawful liberties, such as Christ allows you, then will you quietly and
cheerfully submit unto that authority which is set over you, in all the ad-
ministrations of it, for your good. Wherein, if we fail at any time, we
hope we shall be willing (by God's assistance) to hearken to good advice
from any of you, or in any other way of God; so shall your liberties be
preserved, in upholding the honor and power of authority amongst you.^
The deputy governor having ended his speech, the court
arose, and the magistrates and deputies retired to attend their
^ Winthrop's speech is fairminded and good tempered, though his soul was
outraged at the democratic demands.
240 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1645
other affairs. Many things were observable in the agitation
and proceedings about this case. It may be of use to leave a
memorial of some of the most material, that om' posterity and
others may behold the workings of Satan to ruin the colonies
and churches of Christ in New England, and into what distem-
pers a wise and godly people may fall in times of temptation;
and when such have entertained some false and plausible
principles, what deformed superstructures they will raise
thereupon, and with what unreasonable obstinacy they will
maintain them.
Some of the deputies had seriously conceived, that the
magistrates affected an arbitrary government, and that they
had (or sought to have) an unlimited power to do what they
pleased without control, and that, for this end, they did strive
so much to keep their negative power in the general court.
This caused them to interpret all the magistrates' actions and
speeches (not complying exactly with their own principles) as
tending that way, by which occasions their fears and jealousies
increased daily. For prevention whereof they judged it not im-
lawful to use even extrema remedia, as if salus populi had been
now the transcendent rule to walk by, and that magistracy
must be no other, in effect, than a ministerial office, and all
authority, both legislative, consultative, and judicial, must
be exercised by the people in their body representative.
Hereupon they labored, equis et velis, to take away the negative
vote. Faihng of that, they pleaded that the magistrates had
no power out of the general court, but what must be derived
from the general court ; and so they would have put upon them
commissions, for what was to be done in the vacancy of the
general court, and some of themselves to be joined with the
magistrates, and some of the magistrates left out. This not
being yielded unto, recourse was had to the elders for advice,
and the case stated, with incredible wariness; but the elders
casting the cause against them, (as is before declared,) they yet
beUeved, (or at least would that others should,) that the elders'
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 241
advice was as much for them in their sense as for the magis-
trates, (and if it were, they had no cause to shun the advice of
the elders, as they have seemed to do ever since). This project
not prevaihng, the next is, for such a body of laws, with pre-
script penalties in all cases, as nothing might be left to the
discretion of the magistrates, (while in the mean time there is
no fear of any danger in reserving a hberty for their own discre-
tion in every case,) many laws are agreed upon, some are not
assented unto by the magistrates not finding them just. Then
is it given out, that the magistrates would have no laws, etc.
This gave occasion to the deputy governor to write that
treatise about arbitrary government, which he first tendered to
the deputies in a model, and finding it approved by some, and
silence in others, he drew it up more at large, and having ad-
vised with most of the magistrates and elders about it, he in-
tended to have presented it orderly to the court. But to pre-
vent that, the first day of the court, the deputies had gotten a
copy, which was presently read amongst them as a dangerous
hbel of some unknown author, and a committee was presently
appointed to examine it, many false and dangerous things were
collected out of it, all agreed and voted by them, and sent up to
the magistrates for their assent, not seeming all this time to
take any notice of the author, nor once moving to have his
answer about it, for they feared that his place in the council
would have excused him from censure, as well as the hke had
done Mr. Saltonstall for his book against the standing council
not long before. But if they could have prevailed to have had
the book censured, this would have weakened his reputation
with the people; and so if one of their opposite had been re-
moved, it would somewhat have facilitated their way to what
they intended ; but this not succeeding as they expected, they
kept it in deposito till some fitter season. In this time divers
occasions falling out, wherein the magistrates had to do in the
vacancy of the general court, as the French business, the
seizure of the Bristol ship by Captain Stagg, and of the Dart-
242 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
mouth ship by ourselves, as is before related, and other affairs,
they would still declare their judgments contrary to the magis-
trates' practice; and if the event did not answer the counsel,
(though it had been interrupted by themselves or others,) there
needed no other ground to condemn the counsel; all which
tended still to weaken the authority of the magistrates, and
their reputation with the people.
Then fell out the Hingham case, which they eagerly laid
hold on, and pursued to the utmost, for they doubted not but
they could now make it appear, either that the magistrates
had abused their authority, or else that their authority was too
great to consist with the people's liberty, and therefore ought to
be reduced within narrower bounds. In pursuit whereof it may
be observed,
1. That a cause, orderly referred to a trial, at a court of as-
sistants, should be taken into the general court, before it had
received a due proceeding in the proper court ; the hke having
never been done before, nor any law or order directing thereto,
but rather the contrary.
2. That a scandalous petition against some of the magis-
trates should be received by the deputies, and the magistrates
often pressed to consent to a judicial hearing, and to give way
that the deputy governor should be called to answer thereupon,
as a delinquent, before any examination were first privately
had, about the justice of the cause.
3. That the testimony, in writing, of the three chief est
officers of the commonwealth (in a case properly committed to
their trust) should be rejected, by a considerable part of the
court, as a thing of no credit.
4. That the same part of the court should vote manifest
contradictions, and require assent to both.
5. That being clearly convinced, that the petition was false
and scandalous, and so voted, they should yet professedly refuse
to assent to any due censure.
6. That they should receive the testimony of two of those
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 243
whom themselves judged deUnquents and false accusers, and
thereupon judge him, the deputy governor, an offender in
words, against his own protestation, and other testimony con-
curring, and that in a matter of no moment, and against com-
mon reason, to be either spoken by him, or beheved by others,
in such sense as they were charged upon him.
7. That a mutinous and seditious practice, carried on with
an high hand, to the open contempt of authority, attempting
to make division in the town, and a dangerous rent in the
highest court of the jurisdiction, should (by such a considerable
part of the same court, looked at by others as the choice of the
country for piety, prudence, and justice) be accounted as
worthy of no censure, and in the conclusion not valued at so
high a rate, as some offences have been of private concernment
arising of common infirmity.
8. That this practice should hold forth an apprehension,
that liberty and authority are incompatible, in some degrees;
so as no other way can be found to preserve the one, but by
abasing and abating the honor and power of the other.
9. That being entrusted with the care and means of the
country's prosperity, we should waste our time and their es-
tates and our own (for the charges of this court came to 300
pounds) in such agitations as tend only to the discountenanc-
ing and interrupting the ordinary means of our welfare.
10. That while we sympathize with our native country in
their calamities, and confess our own compHance with them in
the provocations of God's wrath, (as in many days of humiha-
tion, and one even in the time of this court,) we should be hast-
ing by all our skill and power to bring the like miseries upon
ourselves.
11. That Bozon Allen, one of the deputies of Hingham, and
a delinquent in that common cause, should be pubhcly convict
of divers false and reproachful speeches published by him con-
cerning the deputy governor, and the book he wrote about
arbitrary government, as that it was worse than Gorton's let-
244 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1645
ters, that it should be burnt under the gallows, that if some
other of the magistrates had written it, it would have cost him
his ears, if not his head, and other like speeches, and no cen-
sure set upon him for this, only he was fined 5 pounds among
others, for their offences in general.
12. It is observable, that the deputies, being so divided, (for
of thirty-three there was only the odd man who carried it in
most of their votes,) remembered at length a law they had
agreed to in such cases, viz., that in causes of judicature they
would not proceed without taking an oath, etc., whereupon the
most of them took it among themselves, (quaere, quo jure?)
but five of them came to the magistrates, who administered
the oath to them.
We had intelHgence from Pascataquack of a French ship
of 200 tons, full of men, which hovered up and down, and
would not take harbor, though a pilot had been offered them
by a fisher's boat of Isle of Shoals ; whereupon all concluded it
was Monsieur D'Aulnay lying in wait for La Tour, and the
wind continuing easterly, we had intelHgence from Plymouth,
that she was imbayed near Sandwich among the Shoals. The
court consulted what was to be done. Some advised to take
no notice of her, lest, if we should send out to her, we should
be necessitated (in common courtesy) to invite him to Boston,
and so put ourselves to a needless charge and interruption in
our business; for being but one ship, there was no fear of any
danger, etc. But the major part prevailed to send out two
shallops and the letter which we had ready to send to him;
but before the shallops could get out, she was gone, and it was
found after to be a fishing ship, which had lost her way, by
contrary winds, etc.
I should have mentioned in the Hingham case, what care
and pains many of the elders had taken to reconcile the differ-
ences which were grown in that church. Mr. Hubbert, the pas-
tor there, being of a Presbyterial spirit, did manage all affairs
without the church's advice, which divers of the congregation
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 245
not liking of, they were divided in two parts. Lieutenant
Emes, etc., having complained to the magistrates, as is before
expressed, Mr. Hubbert, etc., would have cast him out of the
church, pretending that he had told a he, whereupon they pro-
cured the elders to write to the church, and so did some of the
magistrates also, whereupon they stayed proceeding against
the lieutenant for a day or two. But he and some twelve more
of them, perceiving he was resolved to proceed, and finding no
way of reconciliation, they withdrew from the chm-ch, and
openly declared it in the congregation. This course the elders
did not approve of. But being present in the court, when
their petition against the deputy governor was heard, Mr.
Hubbert, perceiving the cause was like to go against him
and his party, desired the elders to go to Hingham to mediate
a reconciliation (which he would never hearken to before, being
earnestly sought by the other party, and offered by the elders)
in the interim of the court's adjournment for one week. They
readily accepted the motion, and went to Hingham, and spent
two or three days there, and found the pastor and his party in
great fault, but could not bring him to any acknowledgment.
In their retm-n by water, they were kept twenty-four hours in
the boat, and were in great danger by occasion of a tempest
which arose in the night ; but the Lord preserved them.
This year the Trial of Boston arrived from London, and
brought many useful commodities from thence and from Hol-
land. She had been preserved in divers most desperate dan-
gers, having been on ground upon the sands by Flushing, and
again by Dover, and in great tempests ; but the Lord delivered
him beyond expectation. Here arrived about ten ships more,
(one of our own called the Eiideavor of Cambridge,) which
brought store of linen, woollen, shoes, stockings, and other use-
ful commodities, so as we had plenty of all things, and divers
of the ships took pay in wheat, rye, peas, etc., so as there went
out of the country this year about 20,000 bushels of com.
Yet it was feared no ships would have come to us, because we
246 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
had suffered the Bristol and Dartmouth ships to be taken m
our harbor.
The parhament also had made an ordinance to free all goods
from custom, which came to New England, which caused the
magistrates to dispense with an order, made the last general
court, for all ships to pay sixpence the ton, which we freed all
parliament ships from ; and good reason, for by that order we
might have gotten 20 or 30 pounds this year, and by the ordi-
nance of parliament we saved 3 or 400 pounds.
When one of the ships came near Cape Ann, 20 (6) (August
20) 45, an hour and a half before night, there appeared to all
the company a sun near the horizon, more bright than the true
sun, (which was seen above it,) which continued near an hour,
there being a small cloud between the true sun and that. This
was affirmed by divers persons of credit, who were of this
country and then in the ship. But it was not seen by any
upon the shore. Captain Wall was master of the ship.
The merchants of Boston sent a pinnace the last winter to
trade in Delaware Bay. She traded upon Maryland side, and
had gotten a good parcel of beaver; at last the Indians came
aboard, and while the Enghsh (who were about five and a boy)
were trading with some of them, others drew out hatchets
from under their coats, and killed the master and three others,
and took the other and the boy, and carried them on shore, and
rifled the pinnace of all her goods and sails, etc. Soon after,
other Indians came upon these and slew the sachem, and took
away all their goods they had stolen. There was one Redman
suspected to have betrayed their pinnace, for he being linkister,^
(because he could speak the language,) and being put out of
that employment for his evil carriage, did bear ill will to the
master, and the Indians spared him, and gave him a good
part of the spoil, and he lived amongst them five or six
weeks, till the Swedish governor procured other Indians to
go fetch him and the boy to his fort, from whence they were
* Linkister, linguister, interpreter.
16451 THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 247
brought to Boston, and the said Redman was tried for his
life, and being found guilty by the grand jury, was deferred
his farther trial in expectation of more evidence to come from
Delaware.
The governor, Mr. Endecott, having received a letter from
Monsieur D'Aulnay in the spring, wherein he shghted us very
much, and charged us with breach of covenant in entertaining
La Tour, in sending home his lady, etc., we returned a sharp
answer to him by Mr. Allen, declaring our innocency, in that
we sent not the lady home, but she hired three London ships,
etc., as is before related, page 208. When he had received this
letter, he was in a great rage, and told Mr. Allen that he would
return no answer; nor would he permit him to come within his
fort, but lodged him in his gunner's house without the gate, and
himself came daily, and dined and supped with him, but at last
he wrote to our governor in very high language, requiring
satisfaction for burning his mill, etc., and threatening revenge,
etc. So the matter rested till the meeting of the commissioners
in the seventh month next, and then their agreement to the
peace was sent to him by a special messenger. Captain Robert
Bridges, as is hereafter declared.
We understood for certain afterward that Monsieur La
Tour's fort was taken by assault and scalado,* that Monsieur
D'Auhiay lost in the attempt twelve men, and had many
wounded, and that he had put to death all the men (both
French and English) and had taken the lady, who died within
three weeks after, and her httle child and her gentlewoman
were sent into France. La Tour valued his jewels, plate,
household, ordnance, and other moveables, at 10,000 pounds.
The more was his folly to leave so much substance in so great
danger, when he might have brought the most of it to Boston,
whereby he might have discharged his engagements of more
than 2500 pounds to Major Edward Gibbons, (who by this
loss was now quite undone,) and might have had somewhat
* Escalade.
248 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1645
to have maintained himself and his men; for want whereof
his servants were forced to go out of the country, some to the
Dutch, and others to France, and he himself to lie at other
men's charge. But in the spring he went to Newfoundland,
and there was courteously entertained by Sir David Kirk, the
governor, who promised him assistance, etc. But he returned
to Boston again by the vessel which carried him, and all the
next winter was entertained by Mr. Samuel Maverick at Nottles
Island.*
Some of our merchants of Boston and Charlestown sent
forth a ship and other vessels to Newfoundland upon a fishing
voyage. They went not to Ferryland, (where they might
have been in safety,) but to the Bay of Bulls, and when they
had near made their voyage, Captain Fimes's ships (being
of the king's party) came and took their ship and most of their
fish ; so the men returned safe, but lost their voyage. Firnes
was hereby five ships strong, and so went to the Terceras,
and there fought with two ships of London and a Scotch ship,
who sunk two of Firnes's ships, and made him fly with the rest.
Captain Thomas Hawkins, a shipwright of London, who had
lived here divers years, had built at Boston a ship of 400
tons and upward, and had set her out with much strength
of ordnance, and ornament of carving, painting, etc., and called
her the Seafort, and the last 23 (9) (November 23) he set sail
from Boston, accompanied with another ship of London, Mr.
Kerman, master, laden with bolts, tobacco, etc. for Malago.
When they came near the coast of Spain, in the evening, some
of the company supposed they saw land, yet they sailed on all
the night, with a fair gale, and towards the morning they saw a
light or two, which they conceiving to have been in some ships,
either Turks or others, they prepared their ships and stood on
towards them. But some three hours before day [blank]
^ La Tour later had better fortune. D'Aulnay dying in 1650, La Tour,
then a widower, married the widow of d'Aulnay. Hutchinson, History of Massa-
chusetts Bay, I. 127, note.
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 249
(10 ber.) (December) both ships struck aground, and presently
brake. Nineteen were drowned, whereof Mr. Kerman was one,
and one Mr. Thomas Coytmore of Charlestown (a right godly
man, and an expert seaman) was another, and Mr. Pratt and
his wife. This man was above sixty years old, an experienced
surgeon, who had Hved in New England many years, and was
of the first church at Cambridge in Mr. Hooker's time, and had
good practice, and wanted nothing. But he had been long
discontented, because his employment was not so profitable
to himself as he desired, and it is hke he feared lest he should
fall into want in his old age, and therefore he would needs go
back into England, (for surgeons were then in great request
there by occasion of the wars,) but God took him away child-
less. The rest of the company (both women and children, who
went passengers that way into England, choosing to go in that
ship, because of her strength and conveniency, rather than in
another ship, which went right for England, and arrived safe
there) were all saved, upon pieces of the ships, and by the help
of a rope which one of the seamen swam on shore with ; and
although the ships at first grounded two or three miles from
the shore, yet (through the Lord's great mercy) they were
heaved by the seas near to the dry land before they fell in
pieces. This was five miles from Calcs.* In the morning the
poor people of the island came down, and pillaged all they
could come by, yea they took away some pieces of plate,
which the passengers had saved. But when they came to the
city, (naked and barefoot as they went frighted out of their
cabins,) the Spaniards used them kindly, especially the women,
and clothed them, and took them into their houses. There
was an English ship then in the roads, whereof one Mr.
Mariot was master: he entertained as many as his ship
could stow, and clothed many of them with his own clothes,
(the Lord reward him). The governor of the island gave
Captain Hawkins 500 pounds for the wreck of his ship.
* Cadiz.
250 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
The same Captain Hawkins going for London, found much
favor with his creditors and others his friends there, so as the
next year they employed him to Malago, to meet a New Eng-
land ship called [blank,] built at Cambridge, and freight for
Malago with pipe staves, fish, and other commodities, which he
was to freight thence with wine, etc., for London, but as she
was on her voyage, (Captain Hawkins being in her, and twelve
other ships in company) being come out of the Streight's
mouth,* they were taken with such a violent tempest at south,
as they were (five of them, whereof Captain Hawkins's ship was
one) cast upon the same place at Cales, where his ship was
wrecked the year before, and there all their ships were cast
away, but all the men in Captain Hawkins's ship were saved,
and most of the rest. This was 2 (12) 45.^
The scarcity of good ministers in England, and want of em-
ployment for our new graduates here, occasioned some of them
to look abroad. Three honest young men, good scholars, and
very hopeful, viz. a younger son of Mr. Higginson, to England,
and so to Holland, and after to the East Indies, a younger son
of Mr. Buckley, a Batchellor of Arts to England, and Mr.
George Downing,^ son of Mr. Emanuel Downing of Salem,
Batchellor of Arts also, about twenty years of age, went in a
ship to the West Indies to instruct the seamen. He went by
Newfoundland, and so to Christophers, and Barbados, and
* Strait of Gibraltar. ^ February 2, 1645/6.
^ Of these hopeful youths, George Downing later figured prominently upon
the old-world stage. Quick, adroit, and indefatigable, he passed rapidly to the
post of scoutmaster-general, serving the Commonwealth as chief of the intelligence
department, and later as an instrument of Cromwell, in high diplomatic position.
As unprincipled as able, he became the tool of Charles II. at the Restoration, and
is charged with having given over to execution three regicides, his old asso-
ciates, one of them the commander under whom he had served, the Colonel
Okey mentioned above. As envoy to the Netherlands, he had much to do with
bringing about the Second Dutch War and the acquisition of New Netherland.
His defective character was recognized by his contemporaries. Pepys, who had
a place under him, calls him "a perfidious rogue." {Diary, March 12, 1662.)
He was Winthrop's nephew, the first son of Harvard to attain high distinction.
For Downing's methods see Pepys, Diary, December 27, 1668.
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 251
Nevis, and being requested to preach in all these places, he
gave such content, as he had large offers made to stay with
them. But he continued in the ship to England, and being a
very able scholar, and of a ready wit and fluent utterance, he
was soon taken notice of, and called to be a preacher in Sir
Thomas Fairfax his army, to Colonel Okye his regiment.
The inhabitants of Boston, Charlestown, Cambridge, Rox-
bury, and Dorchester, conceiving that the fortification at Castle
Island (which by a late order of court was deserted) would be
of great use for their defence against a foreign enemy, agreed
among themselves (with leave of the court) to repair and for-
tify the same ; and accordingly they chose a committee out of
the several towns to raise means, and to get the work done.
Whereupon the old earthwork was slighted, and a new work
of pine trees, [blank] foot square, fourteen foot high, and
[blank] foot thick, was reared, with four bulwarks, which cost
in all [blank]. But finding the charge of the work and the
maintenance of a garrison to be over heavy for them, they
petitioned the general court in [blank] to afford assistance,
which with much difficulty was at length obtained to this
effect.
In the beginning of the winter a Portugal ship lying at Na-
tascot, (now called Hull,) the seamen stole divers goats off the
islands there. Complaint thereof being made to the governor
and council, they gave warrant to one Mr. Smith, who then lay
with his ship in the same place, to require the Portugal to give
satisfaction, or else to bring his ship up to Boston. Mr. Smith
(who was a member of the church of Boston) sent one Thomas
Keyser his mate with his long boat well manned, to require
satisfaction, who coming to the Portugal did not reason the
case with him, nor give liim any time to consider, but presently
boarded him, and took possession of his ship, and brought her
up, and his men fell to rifling his ship, as if she had been a
prize. The Portugal being brought to the magistrates, and the
theft proved, he was ordered to make double restitution, (as
252 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
our manner was,) and the seamen were made to restore what
they had taken out of the ship. So the Portugal departed well
satisfied.
The said Mr. James Smith with his mate Keyser were bound
to Guinea to trade for negroes. But when they arrived there,
they met some Londoners, with whom they consorted, and the
Londoners having been formerly injured by the natives (or
at least pretending the same,) they invited them aboard one
of their ships upon the Lord's day, and such as came they
kept prisoners, then they landed men, and a murderer, and
assaulted one of their towns and killed many of the people,
but the country coming down, they were forced to retire
without any booty, divers of their men being wounded with
the negroes' arrows, and one killed. Mr. Smith, having
taken in wine at Madeiras, sailed to Barbados to put off his
wine. But being engaged there, and his wife being there also
unprovided of maintenance, and his ship and cargo bound over
to the said Keyser his mate and others of Boston who set out
the ship, Keyser refused to let any of the wines go on shore,
except he might have security for the proceeds to be returned
on ship board. So the ship lay a week in the roads, and then
Keyser fearing that the master would use some means by other
ships which rode there to deprive him of the cargo, told him
plainly that if he would not come aboard, and return to Boston,
(which was the last port they were bound to,) he would carry
away the ship, and leave him behind, which accordingly he
did ; and arriving at Boston about midsummer, he repaired to
the magistrates and told them how he was come away, and
tendered the cargo to them, who finding that it was engaged to
himself and others, and that there would be great loss in the
wines if they were not presently disposed, dehvered them to
the merchants and himself, taking bond of them to be responsi-
ble to Mr. Smith, etc. A short time after, Mr. Smith came,
and brought his action against Keyser and the other mariners
for bringing away the ship, and by a jury of seamen and
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 253
merchants recovered three or four times the value of what he
was damnified, and the mate Keyser to lose not only his wages,
but he and the rest of the merchants to lose the proceed or
interest agreed for their stock and adventure, which was forty
per cent, and all the mariners to lose their wages. But divers
of the magistrates being unsatisfied with this verdict, (per-
ceiving that the jury in their displeasure against Keyser, etc.,
did not only regard Smith's satisfaction for his damages, but
also the punishment of Keyser, etc.) the defendants at the next
court brought a review, and then another jury abated much of
the former damages ; whereupon the plaintiff Smith preferred
a petition to the next general court.
For the matter of the negroes, whereof two were brought
home in the ship, and near one hundred slain by the confession
of some of the mariners, the magistrates took order to have
these two set at liberty, and to be sent home; but for the
slaughter committed, they were in great doubt what to do
in it, seeing it was in another country, and the Londoners
pretended a just revenge. So they called the elders; and
desired their advice.'
Mr. Israel Stoughton, one of the magistrates, having been in
England about merchandize, and returned with good ad-
vantage, went for England again the last winter, with divers
other of our best military men, and entered into the parlia-
ment's service. Mr. Stoughton was made Heutenant colonel
to colonel Rainsborow, Mr. Nehemiah Bourne, a ship carpenter,
was major of his regiment, and Mr. John Leverett, son of one
of the elders of the church of Boston, a captain of a foot com-
pany, and one William Hudson, ensign of the same company,
Lioll, surgeon of the Earl of Manchester's life guard. These did
good service, and were well approved, but Mr. Stoughton
falling sick and dying at Lincoln, the rest all returned to their
* This compunction of the Massachusetts magistrates seems rather in advance
of the time. The colony records for the date show their sentiment to have been
sustained by the community.
254 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
wives and families. But three of them went to England again
about the end of this year, but came back again and settled
themselves here, all save the surgeon.*
The Narragansetts having begun war upon Uncus, the Mon-
heagan sachem, notwithstanding their covenant to the contrary
and divers messages sent to them from the commissioners to
require them to forbear, until a meeting might be had, and the
cause heard, it was thought fit by the general court in the
third month, that though the next meeting was in course to be
at New Haven in the beginning of September, yet in regard of
the danger Uncus was in, and our engagement to save him
harmless from any damage from Miantonomo his death, as
also in regard of the distressed condition of Monsieur La Tour,
(who earnestly petitioned the court for relief, etc.) the commis-
sioners should be written to to meet at Boston in the 28 of the
fifth month, which was done accordingly. The names of the
commissioners and all their proceedings are at large set down
in the books of their records, whereof every colony hath one.
At this general court, which continued from 14 (3), to 5 (5),^
the military officers prevailed with much importunity to have
the whole power of those affairs committed to them; which
was thought by divers of the court to be very unfit, and not
so safe in times of peace ; but a great part of the coiu-t being
military officers, and others not willing to contend any further
about it, the order passed, the inconvenience whereof appeared
soon after, and will more in future time.
The taking of the Bristol ship in our harbor by Captain
* Of Stoughton, mention has already been made. John Leverett, returning
from his English experiences, became a citizen of the first consequence, serving
as deputy, speaker, assistant, sergeant-major-general and governor. He occu-
pied the supreme office five years, from 1673, during which period came the terrible
Philip's War. That was a crisis which required the heart and head of an Ironside,
and Leverett met the situation.
^ May 14 to July 5. The Records of Massachusetts, II. 112, for this court,
contain an order for a rate of £610.15. It was assessed in the following propor-
tions: Boston, £100; Ipswich, £61.10; Charlestown, £55; Salem, £45; Cam-
bridge, £45; Dorchester, £43.17.6; Watertown, £41.5; Roxbury, £37.10;
Lynn, £25, etc.
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 255
Stagg occasioned much debate in the court. The deputies
drew up a bill to give protection to all ships in our harbor,
coming as friends. The magistrates forseeing that this might
put us upon a necessity of fight with some parliament ships,
(which we were very unwilHng to be engaged in,) and so
might weaken that interest we had in the parliament, they
refused the bill; and so divers bills passed from one to the
other, before they could agree. At length (few of the magis-
trates being then in the court) a bill passed to that effect, but
not so full as was desired. But to strengthen the same, and to
secure all ships which should come as friends into our harbor,
commission was given to major Gibbons for Boston, and major
Sedgwick* for Charlestown to keep the peace in the said towns,
and not to permit any ships to fight in the harbor without
license from authority.
14. 5. {July 14.)] A new watch house set up on the fort hill
at Boston was smote with lightning, and the boards and timber
at one end of it torn in pieces, and many of the shingles of the
covering torn off.
25.] Monsieur La Tour having stayed here all the winter
and thus far of the summer, and having petitioned the court
for aid against Monsieur D'Aulnay, and finding no hope to
obtain help that way, took shipping in one of our vessels which
went on fishing to Newfoundland, hoping by means of Sir
David Kirk, governor there, and some friends he might pro-
cure in England to obtain aid from thence, intending for that
end to go from thence to England. Sir David entertained him
courteously, and promised to do much for him ; but no means
of help appearing to answer his ends, he returned hither before
winter. Sir David giving him passage in a vessel of his which
came hither.
* Robert Sedgwick, having spent his younger manhood in Massachusetts, in
honorable positions, at length went to England into the ranks of Cromwell. He
was in the force sent by the Protector to the West Indies, and died there in 1656,
a major-general.
256 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
Captain Bayley being returned into England, and informing
Alderman Barkly of the proceedings here against him and Mr.
Barkly his brother in the business of the Lady La Tom*, withal
he carried a certificate of the proceedings of the court under
the hands of divers persons of good credit here, who although
they reported truth for the most part, yet not the whole
truth, (being somewhat prejudiced in the case; they were
called in question about it after, for the offence was great,
and they had been censured for it, if proof could have been
had for a legal conviction,) whereby the alderman was so in-
censed as he attached a ship of ours being then arrived at
London ; but being persuaded to release the ship, he attached
two of New England, viz., Mr. Stephen Winthrop, who was
recorder of the court when the cause was tried, and Captain
Joseph Weld, who was one of the jury, so as they were forced
to find sureties in a bond of 4000 pounds to answer him in the
court of admiralty. But it pleased God to stir them up such
friends, viz.. Sir Henry Vane, (who had sometime Hved at Bos-
ton, and though he might have taken occasion against us for
some dishonor which he apprehended to have been unjustly put
upon him here, yet both now and at other times he showed
himself a true friend to New England, and a man of a noble
and generous mind, etc.)^ and some othere by Mr. Peter's means,
so as (although he spared for no costs) yet he was forced to
give over his suit in the admiralty, and then procured out of
Chancery a ne exeat regno against them. But the cause being
heard there, and they discharged, he petitioned the lords of the
parliament (pretending great injuries, which he was not able to
prove) for letters of reprisal. After he had tried all means in
vain, he was brought at length to sit down and lose his charges,
and they theirs.
* An entry pleasant to read, giving proof of the magnanimity of Vane, who
could do a service to a colony which had slighted him and cast out his friends, —
and also of Winthrop, who could forget many occasions of offence to commend
an old opponent.
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 257
1. (March) 5.] Many books coming out of England, some in
defence of anabaptism and other errors, and for liberty of con-
science as a shelter for their toleration, etc., others in main-
tenance of the Presbyterial government (agreed upon by the
assembly of divines in England) against the congregational
way, which was practised here, the elders of the churches
through all the United Colonies agreed upon a meeting at
Cambridge this day, where they conferred their councils and
examined the writings which some of them had prepared in
answer to the said books, which being agreed and perfected
were sent over into England to be printed. The several an-
swers were these ; Mr. Hooker in answer to Mr. Rutterf ord the
Scotch minister about Presbyterial government, (which being
sent in the New Haven ship was lost). While Mr. Hooker
hved, he could not be persuaded to let another copy go over,
but after his death, a copy was sent, and returned in print (3) 48.^
A sad business fell out this year in Boston. One of the
brethren of the church there, being in England in the parhament
service about two years, had committed the care of his family
and business to another of the same church, (a young man of
good esteem for piety and sincerity, but his wife was in Eng-
land,) who in time grew over familiar with his master's wife,
(a yoimg woman no member of the church,) so as she would
be with him oft in his chamber, etc., and one night two of the
servants, being up, perceived him to go up into their dame's
chamber, which coming to the magistrates' knowledge, they
were both sent for and examined, (but it was not discovered
till about a quarter of a year after, her husband being then
come home,) and confessed not only that he was in the cham-
ber with her in such a suspicious manner, but also that he was
in bed with her, but both denied any carnal knowledge; and
being tried by a jury upon their Hves by our law, which makes
* May, 1648. This was Hooker's famous Survey of the Summe of Church
Discipline (London, 1648), the preface of which may be seen in Old South Leaflets,
No. 55.
258 ^ WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
adultery death, the jury acquitted them of the adultery, but
found them guilty of adulterous behavior. This was much
against the minds of many, both of the magistrates and elders,
who judged them worthy of death; but the jury attending
what was spoken by others of the magistrates, 1. that seeing
the main evidence against them was their own confession of
being in bed together, their whole confession must be taken,
and not a part of it ; 2. the law requires two witnesses, but here
was no witness at all, for although circumstances may amount
to a testimony against the person, where the fact is evident, yet
it is otherwise where no fact is apparent; 3. all that the evi-
dence could evince was but suspicion of adultery, but neither
God's law nor ours doth make suspicion of adultery (though
never so strong) to be death; whereupon the case seeming
doubtful to the jury, they judged it safest in case of life to find
as they did. So the court adjudged them to stand upon the
ladder at the place of execution with halters about their necks
one hour, and then to be whipped, or each of them to pay 20
pounds. The husband (although he condenmed his wife's
immodest behavior, yet) was so confident of her innocency
in point of adultery, as he would have paid 20 pounds rather
than she should have been whipped; but their estate being
but mean, she chose rather to submit to the rest of her punish-
ment than that her husband should suffer so much for her
folly. So he received her again, and they lived lovingly
together. All that she had to say for herself upon her trial was
the same which she had revealed to her husband as soon as he
came home, before the matter had been discovered, viz. that he
did indeed come into bed to her, which so soon as she per-
ceived, she used the best arguments she could to dissuade him
from so foul a sin, so as he lay still, and did not touch her, but
went away again as he came ; and the reason why she did not
cry out, was because he had been very faithful and helpful to
her in her husband's absence, which made her very imwilling to
bring him to punishment or disgrace.
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 259
This punishment of standing upon the gallows was not so
well approved by some of the magistrates ; because the law of
God appoints in case of whipping, that they should not exceed
forty stripes, and the reason given is, lest thy brother should
seem despised in thine eyes, and why this reason should not
hold in all cases and punishments not capital doth not appear.
29. 8. (Odobe)' 29.)] ' The wind E. N. E. with rain, so great a
tempest as it drave three ships upon the shore, and did very
much harm besides in bilging boats, and breaking down wharfs ;
and the night after for the space of two hours the tempest arose
again at S. with more wind and rain than before. In which
tempest one of our vessels coming from Bermuda had two men
fetched overboard with the sea, and the vessel was in great
danger of being foundered.
At the general court held at Boston the first of this month,
there was a petition preferred by divers merchants and others
about two laws, the one forbidding the entertaining of any
strangers above three weeks, except such as should be allowed
by two magistrates, etc., (this was made in Mrs. Hutchinson's
time ;) the other for banishing anabaptists, made the last year.
The petitioners complained to the court of the offence taken
thereat by many godly in England, and that some churches
there did thereupon profess to deny to hold communion with
such of our churches as should resort thither. Whereupon they
entreated the court that they would please to take the said laws
into further consideration, and to provide as far as they might
for the indemnity of such of ours as were to go into England.
Many of the court well inclined for these and other considera-
tions to have had the execution of those laws to have been
suspended for a season. But many of the elders, hearing of
it, went first to the deputies and after to the magistrates, and
laying before them what advantage it would give to the ana-
baptists, (who began to increase very fast through the country
1 Here, and in several subsequent places, the numeral for the month is placed
last, contrary to the practice followed by the writer up to this point.
260 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
here, and much more in England, where they had gathered
divers churches and taught openly, and had published a con-
fession'of their faith,) entreated that the law might continue
still in force, and the execution of it not suspended, though
they disliked not that all lenity and patience should be used for
convincing and reclaiming such erroneous persons. Whereupon
the court refused to make any farther order about the petition.
See 60 a counter petition.*
There came hither to Boston at the same time out of Eng-
land one Captain Partridge, who had served the parliament,
but in the ship he broached and zealously maintained divers
points of antinomianism and familism, for which he was called
before the magistrates and charged with the said opinions, to
which he refused to give any answer. But before he departed,
he was wilUng to confer with Mr. Cotton, which accordingly he
did, and Mr. Cotton reported to the magistrates, that he found
him corrupt in his judgment, but ignorant of those points which
he had maintained, so as he perceived he had been but lately
taken with them, and that upon argument he was come off
from some of the worst of them, and he had good hope to
reclaim him wholly; but some of the magistrates requiring a
present renouncing of all under his hand, he the said captain
was not willing to that before he were clearly convinced of his
error in them. It was moved by some of the magistrates, in
regard he had made so hopeful a beginning, and that winter
was now at hand, and it would be very hard to expose his wife
and family to such hardships, etc., to permit him to stay here
till the spring, but the major part (by one or two) voting the
contrary, he was forced to depart, and so went to Rhode Island.
This strictness was offensive to many, though approved of by
others. But sure the rule of hospitahty to strangers, and of
seeking to pluck out of the fire such as there may be hope of
to be reduced out of error and the snare of the devil, do seem
to require more moderation and indulgence of human in-
* See post, p. 271.
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 261
firmity where there appears not obstinacy against the clear
truth.
This year about twenty f amihes (most of them of the church
of Braintree) petitioned the comii for allowance to begin a
plantation at the place where Gorton and his company had
erected three or four small houses upon the land of Pumham,
the Indian sachem by Narragansett, who had submitted him-
self and country to this jurisdiction. The court readily granted
their petition, promising all encouragement, etc., (for it was
of great concernment to all the Enghsh in these parts, that a
strong plantation should be there as a bulwark, etc. against
the Narragansetts). But Mr. John Browne, one of the magis-
trates of Plymouth, and then one of their commissioners for
the United Colonies, dwelling at Rehoboth, and intending
to drive a trade with the Indians in those parts, meeting with
some of ours when they went to view the place and to take the
bounds of it, forbade them in the name of the government of
Plymouth to proceed in the said plantation, telling them that it
belonged to Plymouth, and that it should be restored to the
right owners, (meaning Gorton and his company). WTiereupon
the planters (not willing to run any hazard of contention for
place in a country where there was room enough) gave over
their purpose, and disposed themselves otherwise; some re-
moved more southward, and others staid where they were.
This practice of Mr. Browne being complained of to the gov-
ernor of the Massachusetts, Mr. Dudley, he informed the magis-
trates of Plymouth thereof by letter, who returned answer, that
Mr. Browne had no order from their court to forbid the pro-
ceedings, etc., for they should have been glad to have had the
place planted by us, though the right of it were (as they con-
ceived) in themselves, and for that end referred themselves to
an order of the commissioners, wherein Uberty is given to the
Massachusetts to take course with Gorton and the lands they
had possessed, etc., and therein is a proviso, that it should not
prejudice the right of Plymouth, etc. But they took not the
262. WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1645
rest of the order, wherein it follows, that all such lands of
English or Indians, as had submitted themselves to the govern-
ment of the Massachusetts, should not be comprised in that
proviso. Now this land where the plantation should have
been erected was part of Pumham's land. And our general
court wrote to the governor and council of Plymouth to the
same effect, with desire to have their further answer about the
same, and for satisfaction about Mr. Browne's carriage herein.
The governor and three magistrates returned answer, that Mr.
Browne had commission in general to forbid any to plant upon
their jurisdiction within the Narragansett river without their
leave, which, if any of ours would seek, they might have. But
the case being after put to the commissioners for explanation of
their said order, they resolved for the Massachusetts.
8. (October.)] A church was gathered at Haverhill upon the
north side of Merrimack, and Mr. John Ward chosen and or-
dained pastor. About the same time a church was also gath-
ered at Andover upon the south side of Merrimack, and Mr.
Woodbridge ordained pastor.^
5. 9. (November 5.)] A church was gathered at Reading, and
Mr. Greene ordained pastor. He was a very godly man, and
died (8) (October) 48.
The village at Jeffry's creek was named Manchester, and the
people there (not being yet in church state) had procured Mr.
Smith (sometimes pastor of the church of Plymouth) to preach
to them.
At the last general court it was ordered, that divers farmers
belonging to Ipswich and Salem (but so far distant from either
town as they could not duly repair to the public ordinances
there) should erect a village and have liberty to gather a church.
This was much opposed by those of the town of Ipswich, plead-
* John Woodbridge was a son-in-law of Governor Dudley. After a term
at Andover, he returned to England, becoming there minister at Andover in
Wiltshire. Driven thence in 1662, in the general expulsion of the non-conformists,
he came back to America.
1645] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 263
ing their interest in the land, etc. But it was answered, that,
when the land was granted to the town, it was not intended only
for the benefit of the near inhabitants, or for the maintenance
of the officers of that one church only, but of all the inhabitants
and of any other church which should be there gathered ; and
a principal motive which led the court to grant them and
other towns such vast bounds was, that (when the towns
should be increased by their children and servants growing up,
etc.) they might have place to erect villages, where they might
be planted, and so the land improved to the more common
benefit.
15. 10. {December 15.)] There appeared about noon, upon
the north side of the sun, a great part of a circle Hke a rainbow,
with the horns reversed, and upon each side of the sun, east and
west, a bright light. And about a month after were seen three
suns, about the sun-setting ; and about a month after that two
suns at sim-rising, the one continued close to the horizon, while
the other (which was the true sun) arose about half an hour.
This was the earUest and sharpest winter we had since we ar-
rived in the country, and it was as vehement cold to the south-
ward as here. Divers of our ships were put from their anchors
with the ice and driven on shore 25 (10) (December 25), and one
ketch carried out to sea, and wrecked upon Lo veil's Island.
At New Haven a ship bound for England was forced to be cut
out of the ice three miles. And in Virginia the ships were
frozen up six weeks.
1646
At Ipswich there was a calf brought forth with one head,
and three mouths, three noses, and six eyes. What these prodi-
gies portended the Lord only knows, which in his due time he
will manifest.
There was beside so sudden a thaw in the spring, (the snow
l3ang very deep,) and much rain withal, that it bare down the
bridge at Hartford upon Connecticut, and brake down divers
mills to the southward about New Haven, and did much other
harm.
This winter also the Swedes' fort upon Delaware river and
all the buildings in it were burnt down, and all their powder
and goods blown up. It happened in the night, through the
negligence of a servant who fell on sleep leaving a candle burn-
ing. Some houses at Hartford, and a bam with corn, were
burnt also ; and two houses at Hingham in the Massachusetts.
1646. 26. (1.) (March 26.)] The governor and council met
at Boston to take order about a rescue which they were in-
formed of to have been committed at Hingham upon the mar-
shal, when he went to levy the fines imposed upon Mr. Hubberd
their pastor and many others who joined with him in the
petition against the magistrates, etc., and having taken the in-
formation of the marshal and others, they sent out summons
for their appearance at another day, at which time Mr. Hub-
berd came not, nor sent any excuse, though it was proved that
he was at home, and that the summons was left at his house.
Whereupon he was sent for by attachment directed to the
constable, who brought him at the day of the return. And
being then charged with joining in the said rescue by animat-
264
1646] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 265
ing the offenders, and discouraging the officer, questioning the
authority of his warrant because it was not in the king's name,
and standing upon his allegiance to the crown of England, and
exemption from such laws as were not agreeable to the laws of
England, saying to the marshal that he could never know
wherefore he was fined, except it were for petitioning, and if
they were so waspish that they might not be petitioned, he
knew not what to say to it, etc. All the answer he would give
was, that if he had broken any wholesome law not repugnant
to the laws of England, he was ready to submit to censure.
So he was bound over to the next court of assistants.
The court being at Boston, Mr. Hubberd appeared, and the
marshal's information and other concurrent testimony being
read to him, and his answer demanded, he desired to know in
what state he stood, and what offence he should be charged
with, or what wholesome law of the land, not repugnant to the
law of England, he had broken. The court told him, that the
matters he was charged with amounted to a seditious practice
and derogation and contempt of authority. He still pressed to
know what law, etc. He was told that the oath which he had
taken was a law to him; and beside the law of God which we
were to judge by in case of a defect of an express law. He
said that the law of God admitted various interpretations, etc.
Then he desired to see his accusers. Upon that the marshal
was called, who justified his information. Then he desired to
be tried by a jury, and to have the witnesses produced viva
voce. The secretary told him that two were present, and the
third was sworn to his examination, (but in that he was mis-
taken, for he had not been sworn,) but to satisfy him, he was
sent for and sworn in court. The matters testified against him
were his speeches to the marshal before thirty persons, against
our authority and government, etc. 1. That we were but as a
corporation in England; 2. That by our patent (as he under-
stood it) we could not put any man to death, nor do divers
other things which we did; 3. That he knew not wherefore
266 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
the general court had fined them, except it were for petition-
ing, and if they were so waspish (or captious) as they might
not be petitioned, etc., and other speeches tending to disparage
our authority and proceedings. Accordingly a bill was drawn
up, etc., and the jury found that he seemed to be ill affected
to this government, and that his speeches tended to sedition
and contempt of authority. Whereupon the whole court
(except Mr. Belhngham, who judged him to deserve no censure,
and desired in open court to have his dissent recorded) ad-
judged him to pay 20 pounds fine, and to be bound to his
good behavior, till the next court of assistants, and then farther
if the court should see cause. At this sentence his spirit rose,
and he would know what the good behavior was, and desired
the names of the jury, and a copy of all the proceedings, which
was granted him, and so he was dismissed at present.
The contention continuing between Mr. Cleves, deputy pres-
ident of Ligonia* for Mr. Rigby, and Mr. Jocelin and other
commissioners of Sir Ferdinando Gorge, they both wrote letters
to the governor and council of the Massachusetts, complaining
of injuries from each other, and Mr. Cleves desiring aid for
his defence against open force threatened by the other part;
the governor and magistrates returned answer to them several-
ly, to this effect, to persuade them both to continue in peace,
and to forbear all violent courses until some London ships
should arrive here, by which it was expected that order would
come from the commissioners for the colonies, etc., to settle
their differences. These letters prevailed so far with them, as
they agreed to refer the cause to the determination of the court
of assistants at Boston, which was to be held 3 (4) (June 3),
next. For Mr. Rigby came Mr. Cleves and Mr. Tucker; for the
province of Maine came Mr. Jocelin and Mr. Roberts. The
court appointed them a day for hearing their cause, and caused
a special jury to be empannelled. Mr. Cleves was plaintiff,
and dehvered in a declaration in writing. The defendants
* This was the Plough Patent, often referred to.
1646] THOMAS DUDLEY, GOVERNOR 267
(though they had a copy thereof before) pleaded to it by word
only. Some of the magistrates advised not to intermeddle in
it, seeing it was not within our jurisdiction, and that the agents
had no commission to bind the interest of the gentlemen in
England. Others (and the most) thought fit to give them a
trial, both for that it was a usual practice in Europe for two
states being at odds to make a third judge between them, and
though the principal parties could not be bound by any sentence
of this court, (for having no jurisdiction, we had no coercion,
and therefore whatever we should conclude was but advice,)
yet it might settle peace for the present, etc. Upon a full hear-
ing, both parties failed in their proof. The plaintiff could not
prove the place in question to be within his patent, nor could
derive a good title of the patent itself to Mr. Rigby, (there
being six or eight patentees, and the assignment only from two
of them). Also the defendant had no patent of the province,
but only a copy thereof attested by witnesses, which was not
pleadable in law. ^Vhich so perplexed the jury, as they could
find for neither, but gave in a non liquet. And because the
parties would have it tried by a jury, the magistrates forbore to
deal any further in it. Only they pereuaded the parties to live
in peace, etc., till the matter might be determined by authority
out of England.
This spring was more early and seasonable than many be-
fore it, yet many were taken with a malignant fever, whereof
some died in five or six days, but if they escaped the eighth they
recovered ; and divers of the churches sought the Lord by public
humiliation, and the Lord was entreated, so as about the mid-
dle of the third month it ceased. It swept away some precious
ones amongst us, especially one Mr. John OHver, a gracious
young man, not full thirty years of age, an expert soldier, an
excellent surveyor of land, and one who, for the sweetness of
his disposition and usefulness through a pubhc spirit, was
generally beloved, and greatly lamented. For some few years
past he had given up himself to the ministry of the gospel, and
268 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
was become very hopeful that way, (being a good scholar and of
able gifts otherwise, and had exercised pubHcly for two years).
There fell out also a loathsome disease at Boston, which
raised a scandal upon the town and country, though without
just cause. One of the town [blank] having gone cooper in a
ship into [blank], at his return his wife was infected with lues
venerea, which appeared thus: being delivered of a child,
and nothing then appearing, but the midwife, a skilful woman,
finding her body as sound as any other, after her dehvery,
she had a sore breast, whereupon divers neighbors resorting to
her, some of them drew her breast, and others suffered their
children to draw her, and others let her child suck them, (no
such disease being suspected by any,) by occasion whereof
about sixteen persons, men, women, and children, were
infected, whereby it came at length to be discovered by such
in the town as had skill in physic and surgery, but there was
not any in the country who had been practised in that cure.
But (see the good providence of God) at that very season there
came by accident a young surgeon out of the West Indies, who
had had experience of the right way of the cure of that disease.
He took them in hand, and through the Lord's blessing recov-
ered them all [blank] in a short time. And it was observed
that although many did eat and drink and lodge in bed with
those who were infected and had sores, etc., yet none took it of
them, but by copulation or sucking. It was very doubtful how
this disease came at first. The magistrates examined the hus-
band and wife, but could find no dishonesty in either, nor
any probable occasion how they should take it by any other,
(and the husband was found to be free of it). So as it was
concluded by some, that the woman was infected by the mix-
ture of so many spirits of men and women as drew her breast,
(for thence it began). But this is a question to be decided by
physicians.
6. 3. {May 6.)] The court of elections was at Boston. Mr.
Norcis of Salem preached. Mr. Winthrop was chosen governor,
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 269
Mr. Dudley, (the last governor,) deputy governor, Mr. Ende-
cott, Serjeant major general, and he and Mr. Pelham, com-
missioners for the United Colonies. The magistrates and
deputies had formerly chosen the commissioners, but the free-
men, looking at them as general officers, would now choose them
themselves, and the rather because some of the deputies had
formerly been chosen to that office, which gave offence to our
confederates and to many among ourselves. This court lasted
near three weeks, and was carried on with much peace and
good correspondency ; and when the business was near ended,
the magistrates and deputies met, and concluded what re-
mained, and so departed in much love. The several com-
mittees for laws made return of their commissions, and brought
in many laws which were. read over, and some of them scanned,
but finding much difficulty in digesting and agreeing them, and
the court having much other business, another committee was
chosen out of several parts of the jurisdiction in the vacancy of
the court, which was adjourned to 7 (8,) (October 7), to extract
out of the whole such as should be thought fit to be established,
and so to reduce them into one volume, to agree with such as
were already in force, etc.
The last year the court had imposed ten shillings upon
every butt of sack, etc., to be landed in our jurisdiction, and
this spring there came in four ships with sack, and landed
about 800 butts, but the merchants being much offended at the
impost, (having no intelligence of it before, for indeed there had
not been a due course taken to give notice thereof to foreign
parts,) after much debate, etc., the court remitted the one half
thereof for the present. See after, four leaves.
Captain Bridges was sent by the commissioners the last year
to Monsieur D'Aulnay with the articles of peace ratified by
them, and with order to demand his confirmation of them
under his hand, wherein also was expressed our readiness that
all injuries, etc., of either part might be heard and composed in
due time and place, and the peace to be kept at the same time,
270 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
so as he would subscribe the same. Monsieur D'Aulnay enter-
tained our messenger with all state and courtesy that he possi-
bly could ; but refused to subscribe the articles, until differences
were composed, and accordingly wrote back, that he perceived
our drift was to gain time, etc., whereas if our messenger had
been furnished with power to have treated with him, and con-
clude about the differences, he doubted not but all had been
agreed ; for we should find, that it was more his honor which
he stood upon, than his benefit, therefore he would sit still till
the spring, expecting our answer herein, and would attempt
nothing against us until he heard from us.
The general court, taking this answer into consideration,
(and there not being opportunity for the commissioners to
meet in season, only they had been certified by letters of
Monsieur D'Auhiay's propositions, etc., and consented to a
course for hearing, etc.,) agreed to send the deputy governor,
Mr. Dudley, Mr. Hawthorne, and Major Denison,* with full
power to treat and determine, etc., and wrote a letter to him to
that end, (assenting to his desire for the place, viz. Penobscot
which they call Pentagoet) and referring the time also to him,
so it were in September. Some thought it would be dishonor-
able for us to go to him, and therefore would have had the
place to have been Pemaquid. But others were of a different
judgment, 1. for that he was lieutenant general to a great
prince; 2. being a man of a generous disposition, and valuing
his reputation above his profit, it was considered, that it would
be much to our advantage to treat with him in his own house.
This being agreed, a private committee was chosen to draw up
instructions, which were not to be imparted to the court, in
regard of secresy, (for we had found that D'Aulnay had intelli-
gence of all our proceedings,) and the same committee had
orders to provide all things for the commissioners' voyage, and
* Daniel Dennison attained later to great distinctions, serving many years
as assistant and sergeant-major-general commanding the troops. He died in
1682.
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 271
to draw up their commission, etc., and it was ordered, that if
the deputy governor (in regard of his age, being above 70)
should not be fit for the voyage, then Mr. Bradstreet should
supply his place.
One Mr. William Vassall, sometimes one of the assistants of
the Massachusetts, but now of Scituate in Plymouth juris-
diction, a man of a busy and factious spirit, and always op-
posite to the civil governments of this country and the way
of our churches, had practised with such as were not members
of our churches to take some coiu'se, first by petitioning the
courts of the Massachusetts and of Plymouth, and (if that suc-
ceeded not) then to the parliament of England, that the distinc-
tions which were maintained here, both in civil and church
estate, might be taken away, and that we might be wholly
governed by the laws of England; and accordingly a petition
was drawn up to the parliament, pretending that they being
freeborn subjects of England, were denied the Uberty of sub-
jects, both in church and commonwealth, themselves and their
children debarred from the seals of the covenant, except they
would submit to such a way of entrance and church covenant,
as their consciences could not admit, and take such a civil oath
as would not stand with their oath of allegiance, or else they
must be deprived of all power and interest in civil affairs, and
were subjected to an arbitrary government and extrajudicial
proceedings, etc. And now at this court at Boston a peti-
tion to the same effect, much enlarged, was delivered in
to the deputies under the hands of Doctor Childe, Mr. Thomas
Fowle, Mr. Samuel Maverick, Mr. Thomas Burton, Mr. John
Smith, Mr. David Yale, and Mr. John Dand, in the name of
themselves and many others in the coimtry, whereto they
pressed to have present answer. But the court being then
near at an end, and the matter being very weighty, they re-
ferred the further consideration thereof to the next session.
And whereas a law was drawn up, and ready to pass, for
allowing non-freemen equal power with the freemen in all town
272 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
affairs, and to some freemen of such estate, etc., their votes in
election of magistrates, it was thought fit to defer this also to
the next session/
4. (June.)] The Narragansetts having broken their cove-
nants with us in three days of payment, so as there was now
due to us above 1300 fathom of wampom, they now sent us to
Boston to the value of 100 fathom, (the most in old kettles,) ex-
cusing themselves by their poverty and by the Nianticks and
others failing to contribute their parts. But the commissioners
(who were then two of them at Boston) refused to accept so
small a sum, and rebuking them sharply for breaking their
covenants both in their payments [and] other acts, told them
that if they were forced to fetch the rest, they could as well
fetch this. So they sold their kettles to a brazier in Boston,
and left the pay in his hands for us, if we would accept it,
when they should bring the rest.
One Captain Cromwell (about ten years since a common
seaman in the Massachusetts) had been out with Captain
Jackson in a man of war by commission from the Earl of War-
wick divers years, and having a commission of deputation from
his said captain, had taken four or five Spanish vessels, and in
some of them great riches, and being bound hither with three
ships, and about eighty men, (they were frigates of cedar wood
of about sixty and eighty tons,) by a strong northwest wind
they were forced into Plymouth, (divine providence so directing
for the comfort and help of that town, which was now almost
deserted,) where they continued about fourteen days or more,
and spent hberally and gave freely to many of the poorer sort.^
It fell out, while they were there, that a desperate drunken
fellow, one Voysye, (who had been in continual quarrels all the
voyage,) on being reproved by his captain, offered to draw his
* An effort for freedom, brave and well-justified. The theocracy gave abun-
dant occasion for such a petition. Several of the men who presented it we know
to have been most respectable.
^ The episode is narrated by Bradford, on almost the last page of his history.
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 273
rapier at him, whereupon the captain took it from him, and
giving him some blows with it, as it was in the scabbard, he
threw it away; Voysye gate it again, and came up to his
captain, who taking it from him again, and throwing it away,
when he could not make him to leave his weapon, nor forbear
his insolent behavior, he gave him a blow on the forehead with
the hilt of it, which made a small wound, which the captain
would presently to have been searched and dressed, but Voysye
refused, and the next day went into the field to fight with
another of his fellows, but their weapons being taken from
them, no hurt was done; and the next day after, his wound
putrifying immediately, he died. It was then the general court
at Plymouth, and a jury being empannelled, they found
that he died of the wound received from the captain, where-
upon the captain was sent for on shore. He offered to put
himself upon trial, so as he might not be imprisoned, and
that he might be tried by a council of war, both which were
granted him, and one of Plymouth, one of their chief men, but
no magistrate, undertook for him, body for body, and some of
the magistrates and other military officers were chosen a coun-
cil of war, who, upon the evidence, and sight of his commission,
by which he had power of martial law, etc., acquitted him.
The trained band accompanied the body to the gi-ave, and the
captain gave every one of them an eln of black taffeta for a
mourning robe. After this he came 10 (4,) {June 10) with his
three ships to Boston, and presented the governor with a
sedan, which (as he said) was sent by the viceroy of Mex-
ico to his sister. It was a very fair one, and could not be
less worth than 50 pounds. He and all his men had much
money, and great store of plate and jewels of great value;
yet he took up his lodging in a poor thatched house, and
when he was offered the best in the town, his answer was,
that in his mean estate that poor man entertained him,
when others would not, and therefore he would not leave
him now, when he might do him good. He was ripped out
274 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
of his mother's belly, and never sucked, nor saw father nor
mother, nor they him.
At the last general court a bill was presented by some of the
elders for a synod to be held in the end of the summer. The
magistrates passed it, but the deputies sending some of them-
selves to confer with the magistrates about it, their objections
were these, first, because therein civil authority did require the
churches to send their messengers to it, and divers among them
were not satisfied of any such power given by Christ to the civil
magistrate over the churches in such cases ; secondly, whereas
the main end of the synod was propounded to be, an agreement
upon one uniform practice in all the churches, the same to be
commended to the general court, etc., this seemed to give
power either to the synod or the court to compel the churches
to practise what should so be established. To these it was
answered, 1. that the civil magistrate had power upon just
occasion to require the churches to send their messengers
to advise in such ecclesiastical matters, either of doctrine or
discipline, as the magistrate was bound by God to maintain
the churches in purity and truth in (which was assented unto ;)
2. that the end of the synod was not to proceed by way of
power, but only of counsel from the word of God, and the
court was at liberty either to establish or disannul such agree-
ment of the synod, as they should see cause, which could put no
more power into the court's hands than it had by the word
of God and our own Laws and Liberties established in that
case. Whereupon it was ordered, that howsoever the civil
magistrate had authority to call a synod when they saw it
needful, yet in tender respect of such as were not yet fully
satisfied in that point, the ensuing synod should be convened
by way of motion only to the churches, and not by any words
of command.^ ....
A petition was presented to the court imder many hands for
the continuance of the two laws against anabaptists and other
1 The careful avoidance of the Presbyterian way will be noticed here.
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 275
heretics, which was done in reference to a petition presented
at the former court concerning the same laws/
A plantation was this year begun at Pequod river by Mr.
John Winthrop, junr., Mr. Thomas Peter, a minister, (brother
to Mr. Peter of Salem,) and this court power was given to
them two for ordering and governing the plantation till further
order, etc., although it was uncertain whether it would fall
within our jurisdiction or not, because they of Connecticut
challenged it by virtue of a patent from the king, which was
never showed us, so it was done de bene esse, quousque, etc.,
for it mattered not much to which jurisdiction it did belong,
seeing the confederation made all as one ; but it was of great
concernment to have it planted, to be a curb to the Indians,
etc.
Monsieur La Tour being retmned from Newfoundland in a
pinnace of Sir David Kirk, was (by some merchants of Boston)
set forth in the same pinnace to the eastward with trading
commodities to the value of 400 pounds. When he came at
Cape Sable, (which was in the heart of winter,) he conspired
with the master (being a stranger) and his own Frenchmen,
being five, to go away with the vessel, and so forced out the
other five Enghsh, (himself shooting one of them in the face
with a pistol,) who, through special providence, having wan-
dered up and down fifteen days, found some Indians who gave
them a shallop, and victuals, and an Indian pilot. So they
arrived safe at Boston in the third month. Whereby it ap-
peared (as the scripture saith) that there is no confidence in an
unfaithful or carnal man. Though tied with many strong
bonds of courtesy, etc., he turned pirate, etc.
Mr. Lamberton, Mr. Grigson, and divers other godly per-
sons, men and women, went from New Haven in the eleventh
month last (Janiuiry) in a ship of 80 tons, laden with wheat for
* A petition of a nature contrary to that mentioned a few pages back, and
one which had more favor with the court. The Records of Massachusetts, II. 141,
record a sharp rebuff to the liberals from the General Court.
276 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
London ; but the ship was never heard of after. The loss was
very great, to the value of some 1000 pounds ; but the loss of
the persons was very deplorable.
Monsieur D'Aulnay, having received our letter, returned an-
swer, that he saw now that we seriously desired peace, which
he (for his part) did also, and that he accounted himself so
highly honored, that we would send such principal men of ours
home to liim, etc., that he desired this favor of us, that he might
spare us that labor, for which purpose he would send two
or three of his to us to Boston about the end of August, to
treat and determine, etc. Upon receipt of this letter, the
governor thought it expedient to call the general court (if it
were but for one day) to have considered of commissioners to
treat with his here, for he conceived that those who were invited
to treat at Penobscot had not power to treat at home, and be-
sides the court had declared their mind not to have chosen all
these three, if they had been to have treated at home. But
some other of the magistrates differing, he deferred it, and the
harvest coming on, it was thought better to let it alone.
One Smith of Watertown had a son about five years old,
who fell into the river near the mill gate, and was carried
by the stream under the wheel, and taken up on the other
side, without any harm. One of the boards of the wheel
was fallen off, and it seems (by special providence) he was
carried through under that gap, for otherwise if an eel pass
through, it is cut asunder. The miller perceived his wheel to
check on the sudden, which made him look out, and so he
found the child sitting up to the waist in the shallow water
beneath the mill.
5. (July.)] Three of our elders, viz., Mr. Mather, Mr. Allen
and Mr. Eliot, took with them an interpreter, and went to the
place where Cutshamekin, the Indian sachem [blank].
A daughter of Mrs. Hutchinson was carried away by the
Indians near the Dutch, when her mother and others were
killed by them ; and upon the peace concluded between the
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 277
Dutch and the same Indians, she was returned to the Dutch
governor, who restored her to her friends here. She was about
eight years old, when she was taken, and continued with them
about four years, and she had forgot her own language, and all
her friends, and was loath to have come from the Indians/
Great harm was done in corn (especially wheat and barley)
in this month by a caterpillar, like a black worm about an inch
and a half long. They eat up first the blades of the stalk, then
they eat up the tassels, whereupon the ear withered. It was
believed by divers good observers, that they fell in a great
thunder shower, for divers yards and other bare places, where
not one of them was to be seen an hour before, were presently
after the shower almost covered with them, besides grass
places where they were not so easily discerned. They did the
most harm in the southern parts, as Rhode Island, etc., and in
the eastern parts in their Indian corn. In divers places the
churches kept a day of humiliation, and presently after the
caterpillars vanished away.^
The court had made an order in (8) (October) last, for ten
shillings to be paid upon every butt of Spanish wine landed, etc.,
and now this spring arrived divers Enghsh ships, which brought
about 800 butts ; but having lost much by leakage, and coming
to a bad market, they were very unwilling to pay the impost,
and refused to give in an invoice of such wines as they had
landed, whereupon they were forfeited by the order. But upon
their petition the general court remitted the forfeitm-e and half
the impost, (in regard the order was made so lately as they could
not have notice of it in those parts from whence the wines
came,) but this notwithstanding, they would not submit to the
order, so as the auditor who had the charge of receiving the
said impost was forced to break open the cellar doors where
their wines lay, and took out of the best wines for the impost,
* She became reconciled, married in 1651 John Cole, and left descendants.
' To one who examines the manuscript, the success of the transcription here
will seem remarkable. No page better illustrates Savage's painstaking accuracy.
278 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
which by the order he might do. But this also they took as a
great injury, because their best wines being gone, the sale of
the rest was much hindered, and they threatened to get recom-
pense some other way.
The merchants of New Haven had purchased some land of
the Indians about thirty miles to the northwest of them upon
Pautucket river, and had set up a trading house.* The Dutch
governor made a protest against it, and sent it to Mr. Eaton,
claiming the place to be theirs, and within ten Dutch miles of
Fort Orange. Mr. Eaton answered the protest, acknowledging
no right in the Dutch, but alleging their purchase and offering
to refer the cause, etc. The Dutch governor by letter com-
plained of it to the governor of Massachusetts, and also of Mr.
Whiting for saying that the English were fools in suffering
the Dutch in the centre, etc. The governor of Massachusetts
informed Mr. Eaton hereof, (the commissioners being then to
meet at New Haven,) and tendered it to their consideration,
if it would not be expedient to call Mr. Whiting (then a magis-
trate at Hartford) to give account of these speeches, seeing the
Dutch would expect satisfaction, etc.
Wlien the time of the synod drew near, it was propounded
to the churches. The order was sent to the churches within
this jurisdiction; and to the churches in other jurisdictions a
letter was sent withal.
All the churches in this jurisdiction sent their messengers,
except Boston, Salem, Hingham, Concord [blank]. Concord
would have sent, if their elder had been able to come, or if
they had had any other whom they had judged fit, etc. Bos-
ton and Salem took offence at the order of court, 1. Because
by a grant in the Liberties the elders had liberty to assemble
without the compliance of the civil authority, 2. It was
reported, that this motion came originally from some of the
elders, and not from the com-t, 3. In the order was expressed,
that what the major part of the assembly should agree upon
^ Probably at the junction of the Naugatuck with the Housatonic.
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 279
should be presented to the court, that they might give such
allowance to it as should be meet, hence was inferred that this
synod was appointed by the elders, to the intent to make ecclesi-
astical laws to bind the churches, and to have the sanction of
the civil authority put upon them, whereby men should be
forced under penalty to submit to them, whereupon they con-
cluded that they should betray the liberty of the churches, if
they should consent to such a synod. The principal men who
raised these objections were some of Boston, who came lately
from England, where such a vast liberty was allowed, and
sought for by all that went under the name of Independents,
not only the anabaptists, antinomians, famihsts, seekers, etc.,
but even the most godly and orthodox, as Mr. Goodwin, Mr.
Nye, Mr. Burrows, etc., who in the assembly there had stood
in opposition to the presbytery, and also the greater part of the
house of commons, who by their commissioners had sent order
to all English plantations in the West Indies and Summers
Islands, that all men should enjoy their Hberty of conscience,
and had by letters intimated the same to us. To these did
some others of the church of Boston adhere, but not above
thirty or forty in all.*
1. To the particular objections, it was thus answered,
viz., to the first, that that liberty was granted only for a
help in case of extremity, if, in time to come, the civil authority
should either grow opposite to the churches, or neglect the
care of them, and not with any intent to practise the same,
while the civil authority were nursing fathers to the churches.
For the second, that it was not for the churches to inquire,
what or who gave the court occasion to call the synod, but if
they thought fit to desire the chm-ches to afford them help of
council in any matters which concerned religion and conscience,
it was the churches' duty to yield it to them; for so far as it
concerns their command or request it is an ordinance of man,
1 The tolerant spirit of their brethren in England, the Independents, was
becoming a trial to the New Englanders.
280 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
which we are to submit unto for the Lord's sake, without troub-
ling ourselves with the occasion or success. Ex malis moribus
bonae leges: the laws are not the worse by being occasioned
by evil men and evil manners. 3. Where the order speaks of
the major part of the assembly, it speaks in its own language,
and according to the court's practice, where the act of the
major part is the act of the court ; but it never intended thereby
to restrain or direct the synod in the manner of their proceed-
ing, nor to hinder them but that they might first acquaint the
churches with their conclusions, and have their assent to them
before they did present them to the court, for that is their care ;
the court's care was only to provide for their own cognizance.
And for that inference which is drawn from that clause, that
the court might give them such allowance as should be meet,
it is without rule, and against the rule of charity, to infer from
thence any such sanction of the court as is supposed. For if
they say only they will give them such allowance as is meet, it
cannot be inferred, that they will put any such sanction or
stamp of authority upon them, as should be unmeet.
Two Lord's days the agitation was in Boston, and no con-
clusion made, by reason of the opposite party. So the elders
sate down much grieved in spirit, yet told the congregation,
that they thought it their duty to go notwithstanding, not as
sent by the church, but as specially called by the order of
court.
The assembly or synod being met at Cambridge, 1 (7)
(September 1), they wrote letters to the elders and brethren of
the church of Boston, inviting them and pressing them also by
arguments to send their elders and other messengers. Upon
this, the ruling elders, being at home, assembled so many of the
church, as they could upon the sudden, but the greater part
being from home, and divers of those who were met still oppos-
ing, nothing could be done.
The next day was Boston lecture, to which most of the
synod repaired, and Mr. Norton, teacher of the church of Ips-
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 281
wich, being procured to supply the place, took his text suitable
to the occasion, viz., of Moses and Aaron meeting in the
mount and kissing each other, where he laid down the nature
and power of the synod, as only consultative, decisive, and
declarative, not coactive, etc. He showed also the power of
the civil magistrate in calling such assemblies, and the duty of
the churches in yielding obedience to the same. He showed
also the great offence and scandal which would be given in
refusing, etc. The next Lord's day the matter was moved
again, in three propositions; 1. Whether the church would
hold communion with the other churches, etc., and desired
them to express it by holding up their hands, which most
of the church did, but some of the opposite party resisted and
gave this reason, that though they did assent to the proposition,
yet they could not vote it, because they knew not what would
be inferred upon it ; upon this the second proposition was men-
tioned, viz., whether they would exercise this commimion in
sending messengers to the synod, and if not, then the third
proposition was, whether the church would then go themselves.
Exception was taken at this way of doing a church act by
the major part, which had not been our practice in former times.
To this it w^as answered, that in some cases (as the choice of
officers, etc.) it is needful to have every man's consent but in
other cases, as admission of a member, etc., it was sufficient,
if the major part assented; and for this practice of proceeding
by erection of hands that in [2] Cor. [viii. 19] was alleged,
where the Greek word %€tpo[Tow?^et9] signifies the same. And in
the present case, it was necessary, because the order of court,
and the letters of the synod to us, required (both in duty
and civility) that the church should return answer, which the
minor part could not do, therefore the major part (of necessity)
must.
Then it was moved by some, that the third proposition might
rather be intended and the church agree to go to the synod,
rather than to send. To this it was answered, 1. That it
282 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
would not be convenient nor of good report, to go in a singu-
lar way; 2. It would savor of disorder and tumult ; 3. It might
produce an impossibility, for if one man's conscience should
bind him to attend, so might another man's, and then as well
might every man's, and if all (or but the major part of our
church) should go thither, it were almost impossible any busi-
ness could proceed in due order. In the end it was agreed by
vote of the major part, that the elders and three of the brethren
should be sent as messengers, etc.
The sjmod brake up and was adjourned to 8 (4) (June 8),
having continued but about fourteen days, in regard of winter
drawing on, and few of the elders of other colonies were present.
Gorton and two others of his company, viz., John Greene
and Randall Holden, going into England, complained to the
commissioners for Plantations, etc., against us, etc., who gave
order, that some of ours then in England should be summoned
to answer their petition ; whereupon some appeared, but they
having no instructions about the case, and the writings sent
over to Mr. Welde the year before being either lost or forgotten,
so as a full answer could not be given in the particular, and the
petitioners being favored by some of the commissioners, partly
for private respects, and partly for their adhering to some of
their corrupt tenets, and generally out of their dislike of us for
our late law for banishing anabaptists, they seemed to be
much offended with us for our rigorous proceeding (as they
called it) against them, and thereupon (without sending to us
to hear our answer, etc.) they gave them this order following: —
By the governor in chief Lord high admiral and- commis-
sioners appointed by parliament for the English plantations
in America.
Whereas we have thought fit to give an order for Mr. Samuel
Gorton, Mr. Randall Holden, Mr. John Greene, and others,
late inhabitants of a tract of land called the Narragansett Bay,
near the Massachusetts Bay in New England, to return with
freedom to the said tract of land, and there to inhabit and
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 283
abide without interruption, these are therefore to pray and
require you, and all others whom this may concern, to permit
and suffer the said Samuel Gorton, etc., with their company,
goods and necessaries carried with them out of England, to
land at any port in New England, where the ship wherein
they do embark themselves shall arrive, and from thence to
pass, without any of your lets or molestations, through any
part of the continent of America, within your jurisdiction, to
the said tract of land called Narragansett Bay, or any part
thereof, they carrying themselves without offence, and paying
according to the custom of the country, and their contract,
for all things they shall make use of in their way, for victuals,
carriage, or other accommodation. Hereof you may not
fail ; and this shall be your warrant. Dated at Westminster
this 15 of May.
To the governor and assistants of Nottingham,
the English plantation in the Massachu- Fra. Dacre,
setts Bay in New England, and to all Fer. Rigby,
other governors and other inhabitants CoR. Holland,
of New England, and all others whom Sam. Vassall,
this may concern. Geo. Fenwick,
Fran. Allein,
Wm. Purefoy,
Geo. Snelling.*
13. (7.) (September 13.)] Randall Holden arrived here in a
London ship, Captain Wall master, and sent this order to the
governor to desire leave to land, etc. Accordingly the gov-
ernor answered, that he could not give him leave of himself,
nor dispense with an order of the general court ; but the council
were to meet within two or three days, and he would impart
it imto them, etc., and in the mean time he would not seek
after him, etc.
The council being met, they were of different judgments in
the case, so as they agreed to take the advice of such of the
elders as were then met at the lecture at Boston (being about
' The rift opening here between the Congregationalists of England and Amer-
ica was indeed serious. It is indicated in the margin of the manuscript that the
document bore the seal of the Earl of Warwick as governor and admiral.
2S4 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
ten). The elders also differed, some were very earnest for his
commitment till the general court, etc. But the greater part,
both of magistrates and elders, thought it better to give so much
respect to the protection which the parliament had given him,
(and whereupon he adventured his life, etc.,) as to suffer him
to pass quietly away, and when the general court should be
assembled, (which would be within a month,) then to consider
further about their repossessing the land they claimed.
20. (7.) {September 20.)] Being the Lord's day, and the
people ready to go to the assembly after dinner, Monsieur
Marie and Monsieur Louis, with Monsieur D'Auhiay his secre-
tary, arrived at Boston in a small pinnace, and major Gibbons
sent two of his chief officers to meet them at the water side,
who conducted them to their lodgings sine strepitu. The public
worship being ended, the governor repaired home, and sent
major Gibbons, with other gentlemen, with a guard of mus-
keteers to attend them to the governor's house, who, meeting
them without his door, carried them into his house, where they
were entertained with wine and sweetmeats, and after a while
he accompanied them to their lodgings (being the house of
major Gibbons, where they were entertained that night). The
next morning they repaired to the governor, and delivered him
their commission, which was in form of a letter directed to the
governor and magistrates. It was open, but had a seal only
let into the paper with a label. Their diet was provided at the
ordinary, where the magistrates use to diet in court times;
and the governor accompanied them always at meals. Their
manner was to repair to the governor's house every morning
about eight of the clock, who accompanied them to the place
of meeting ; and at night either himself or some of the commis-
sioners accompanied them to their lodging. It was the third
day at noon before our commissioners could come together.
When they were met, they propounded great injuries and
damages, sustained by Captain Hawkins and our men, in
assistance of La Tour, and would have engaged our govern-
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 285
ment therein. We denied that we had any hand, either by
commission or permission, in that action. We only gave way
to La Tour to hire assistance to conduct his ship home, accord-
ing to the request made to us in the commission of the vice
admiral of France. And for that which was done by our men
beyond our commission, we showed Monsieur D'Aulnay's letter
to our governor, by Captain Bayley, wherein he writes, that
the king of France had laid all the blame upon the vice admiral,
and commanded him not to break with us, upon that occasion.
We also alleged the peace formerl}'- concluded without any
reservation of those things. They replied, that howsoever the
king of France had remitted his own interest, yet he had not
nor intended to deprive Monsieur D'Aulnay of his private satis-
faction. Here they did stick two days. Their commissioners
alleged damages to the value of 8000 pounds, but did not stand
upon the value. They would have accepted of very small
satisfaction, if we would have acknowledged any guilt in our
government. In the end they came to this conclusion: we
accepted their commissioner's answer, in satisfaction of those
things we had charged upon Monsieur D'Aulnay, and they
accepted our answer for clearing our government of what he
had charged upon us ; and because we could not free Captain
Hawkins and the other voluntaries of what they had done, we
were to send a small present to Monsieur D'Aulnay in satisfac-
tion of that, and so all injuries and demands to be remitted,
and so a final peace to be concluded. Accordingly we sent
Monsieur D'Aulnay by his commissioners a very fair new
sedan, (worth forty or fifty pounds where it was made, but of
no use to us,) sent by the viceroy of Mexico to a lady his sister,
and taken in the West Indies by Captain Cromwell, and by
him given to our governor.* This the commissioners very well
accepted ; and so the agreement being signed in several instru-
ments, by the commissioners of both parts, on 28 day of the
same month, they took leave and departed to their pinnace, the
* See ante, p. 273.
286 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
governor and our commissioners accompanying them to their
boat, attended with a guard of musketeers, and gave them
five guns from Boston, three from Charlestown, and five
from Castle Island, and we sent them aboard a quarter cask
of sack and some mutton. They answered all our salutations
with such small pieces as they had, and so set sail, major
Sedgwick and some other gentlemen accompanying them as
far as Castle Island. The Lord's day they were here, the gov-
ernor, acquainting them with our manner, that all men either
come to our public meetings, or keep themselves quiet in their
houses, and finding that the place where they lodged would
not be convenient for them that day, invited them home to his
house, where they continued private all that day until sunset,
and made use of such books, Latin and French, as he had, and
the liberty of a private walk in his garden, and so gave no
offence, etc. The two first days after their arrival their pinnace
kept up her flag in the main top, which gave offence both to
the Londoners who rode in the harbor and also to our own
people, whereupon Monsieur Marie was put in mind of it. At
first he excused it by a general custom for the king's ships, both
French, English, and Dutch, etc., to use it in all places; but
being now under our government, if we would so command,
he would cause [it] to be taken down. We desired him not [to]
put us to that, but seeing he knew our minds he would do it of
himself. Whereupon he gave order to have it taken down.
There fell a sad affliction upon the country this year, though
it more particularly concerned New Haven and those parts. A
small ship of about 100 tons set out from New Haven in the
middle of the eleventh month last (the harbor there being so
frozen, as they were forced to hew her through the ice near
three miles). She was laden with pease and some wheat, all
in bulk, with about 200 West India hides, and store of beaver,
and plate, so as it was estimated in all at 5000 pounds. There
were in her about seventy persons, whereof divers were of
very precious account, as Mr. Grigson, one of their magistrates,
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 287
the wife of Mr. Goodyear, another of their magistrates, (a right
godly woman,) Captain Turner, Mr. Lamberton, master of the
ship, and some seven or eight others, members of the church
there. The ship never went voyage before, and was very
crank-sided, so as it was conceived, she was overset in a great
tempest, which happened soon after she put to sea, for she was
never heard of after.
7. (September.)] Some few famihes being gone to the new
plantation at Pequod,* some of them kept in the Indians' wig-
wams there, while their own houses were building. Some of
these Indians, accompanied with some English, went to hunt
deer, Unkas, the Moheagen sachem, pretending they had hunted
in his hmits, came with 300 men, and set upon them, and beat
some of the Indians, and took away some of their goods, putting
them by force out of their wigwams, where the English kept.
Complaint being made hereof to the commissioners, (who were
then met at New Haven,) they sent for Unkas, and charged him
with this outrage, etc. He confessed he had done very ill, and
said, he thought he was mad ; so he promised to go to the Eng-
lish there, and acknowledge his offence, and make full satisfac-
tion, and for time to come, would live peaceably with them, etc.
The merchants of New Haven had set up a trading house
upon a small river some thirty miles up into the country, and
some fifty miles from fort Orange. The Dutch governor
hearing thereof, sent a protest there against it, claiming the
place to be in New Netherland. Mr. Eaton returned answer
by the same messenger.
A woman of the church of We3Tnouth being cast out for
some distempered speeches, by a major party, (the ruling elder
and a minor party being unsatisfied therein,) her husband com-
plained to the synod, which being then ready to break up,
could do nothing in it, but only acquainted the pastor there-
with privately. WTiereupon complaint was made to the elders
of the neighboring churches, and request made to them to
* The Thames River.
288 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1646
come to Weymouth and to mediate a reconciliation. The el-
ders acquainted their churches with it. Some scrupled the
warrantableness of the course, seeing the major party of the
church did not send to the churches for advice. It was an-
swered, that it was not to be expected, that the major party
would complain of their own act, and if the minor party, or
the party grieved, should not be heard, then God should have
left no means of redress in such a case, which could not be.
Some of the churches approved their going ; the rest permitted
it. So they went, and the church of Weymouth, having notice
before hand, gave them a meeting, and first demanded, whether
they were sent by their churches or not. Being certified, as
before, they objected this, that except they had been sent by
their churches, they should never know when they had done,
for others might come still, and require like satisfaction, etc.
It was answered, the like objection would lie, if the churches
had sent, for other churches might yet have required, etc.,
but they came not in way of authority, but only of brotherly
communion, and therefore impose nothing upon them, but
only to give their advice as occasion should require. This and
some other scruples being removed, the church consented to
have the cause heard, and opened from the beginning, where-
upon some failing was found in both parties, the woman had
not given so full satisfaction as she ought to have done, and
the major party of the church had proceeded too hastily against
a considerable party of the dissenting brethren, whereupon the
woman who had offended was convinced of her failing, and be-
wailed it with many tears, the major party also acknowledged
their error, and gave the elders thanks for their care and pains.
7. (September.)] One Wilham Waldron, a member of the
church of Dover upon Pascataquack, (received into the church
in the corrupt beginning of it,) a man given to drunkenness
and contention, being after cast out, and upon some formal
repentance received in again, being also a good clerk, and a
subtle man, was made their recorder, and also recorder of the
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 289
province of Maine under Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and returning
from Saco about the end of September alone, passing over a
small river at Kennebunk, was there drowned, and his body
not found until near a month after.
(8.) (October) 17.] A ship of 300 tons, built at Boston, was
this day launched.
(9.) (November) 4.] The general court (being adjourned
from (8) began again, and that night was a most dreadful
tempest at northeast with wind and rain, in which the lady
Moodye her house at Salem, being but one story in height, and
a flat roof with a brick chimney in the midst, had the roof taken
off in two parts (with the top of the chimney) and carried six
or seven rods off. Also one Cross of Connecticut had his pin-
nace cast away in Narragansett Bay, but the men and goods
saved. Mr. Haines, etc., taken in this tempest half way from
Connecticut, and by providence brought casually in the night
to an empty wigwam, where they found fire kindled, and room
for themselves and horses, else had perished.
This court the business of Gorton, etc., and of the petition-
ers. Dr. Child, etc., were taken into consideration, and it was
thought needful to send some able man into England, with
commission and instructions, to satisfy the commissioners for
plantations about those complaints ; and because it was a mat-
ter of so great and general concernment, such of the elders as
could be had were sent for, to have their advice in the matter.
Mr. Hubbard of Hingham came with the rest, but the court
being informed that he had an hand in a petition, which Mr.
Vassall carried into England against the country in general,
the governor propounded, that if any elder present had any
such hand, etc., he would withdraw himself. Mr. Hubbard sit-
ting still a good space, and no man speaking, one of the depu-
ties informed the court, that Mr. Hubbard was the man sus-
pected, whereupon he arose, and said, that he knew nothing of
any such petition. The governor repHed, that seeing he was
now named, he must needs dehver his mind about him, which
290 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
was, that although they had no proof present about the
matter of the petition, and therefore his denial was a sufficient
clearing, etc., yet in regard he had so much opposed authority,
and offered such contempt to it, as for which he had been
lately bound to his good behavior, he thought he would
(in discretion) withdraw himself, etc., whereupon he went out.
Then the governor put the court in mind of a great miscar-
riage, in that our secretest coimsels were presently known
abroad, which could not be but by some among ourselves, and
desired them to look at it as a matter of great unfaithfulness,
and that our present consultations might be kept in the breast
of the court, and not be divulged abroad, as others had been.
Then it was propounded to consideration, in what relation
we stood to the state of England; whether our government was
founded upon our charter, or not; if so, then what subjection
we owed to that state. The magistrates delivered their minds
first, that the elders might have the better light for their advice.
All agreed that our charter was the foundation of our govern-
ment, and thereupon some thought, that we were so subordi-
nate to the parliament, as they might countermand our orders
and judgments, etc., and therefore advised, that we should peti-
tion the parhament for enlargement of power, etc. Others
conceived otherwise, and that though we owed allegiance and
subjection to them, as we had always professed, and by a copy
of a petition which we presented to the lords of the privy
council when they sent for our charter anno [blank] then read
in the court, did appear, yet by our charter we had absolute
power of government; for thereby we have power to make
laws, to erect all sorts of magistracy, to correct, punish, pardon,
govern, and rule the people absolutely, which word implies two
things, 1. a perfection of parts, so as we are thereby furnished
with all parts of government, 2. it impHes a self-sufficiency,
quoad subjectam materiam,and ergo should not need the help
of any superior power, either general governor, or, etc., to
complete our government ; yet we did owe allegiance and sub-
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 291
jection, 1. because our commonwealth was founded upon the
power of that state, and so had been always carried on, 2. in
regard of the tenure of our lands, of the manor of East Green-
wich, 3. we depended upon them for protection, etc., 4. for
advice and counsel, when in great occasions we should crave
it, 5. in the continuance of naturalization and free liegeance of
ourselves and our posterity. Yet we might be still independent
in respect of government, as Normandy, Gascoyne, etc., were,
though they had dependence upon the crown of France, and
the kings of England did homage, etc., yet in point of govern-
ment they were not dependent upon France. So hkewise
Burgundy, Flanders, etc. So the Hanse Towns in Germany,
which have dependence upon the empire, etc. And such as
are subject to the imperial chamber, in some great and general
causes, they had their deputies there, and so were parties to
all orders there.*
And for that motion of petitioning, etc., it was answered,
1. that if we receive a new charter, that will be (ipso facto) a
surrender of the old, 2. the parliament can grant none now,
but by way of ordinance, and it may be questioned, whether
the king will give his royal assent, considering how he hath
taken displeasure against us, 3. if we take a charter from the
parliament, we can expect no other than such as they have
granted to us at Narragansett, and to others in other places,
wherein they reserve a supreme power in all things.
The court having delivered their opinions, the elders de-
sired time of consideration, and the next day they presented
their advice, which was delivered by Mr. Allen, pastor of the
church in Dedham, in divers articles, which (upon request)
they delivered in writing as followeth. But first I should have
mentioned the order of the commissioners, sent to us in the
* These early discussions of the proper relation of a dependency to the mother
state are interesting. The ideas from which came the American Revolution are
plainly seen, and also those from which was evolved the present English colonial
policy.
292 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1646
behalf of Gorton, which, together with their petition and decla-
ration, were sent over to us by the commissioners. The order
was in these words.
After our hearty commendations, we being specially entrusted by
both houses of parliament with ordering the affairs and government
of the English plantations in America, have some months since received
a complaint from Mr. Gorton and Mr. Holden, in the name of themselves
and divers others English, who have transported themselves into New
England, and now are or lately were inhabitants of a tract of land called
by the name of the Narragansett Bay, (a copy of which complaint the
inclosed petition and narrative will represent to your knowledge,) we
could not forthwith proceed to a full hearing and determination of the
matter, it not appearing unto us, that you were acquainted with the
particular charge, or that you had furnished any person with power to
make defence in your behalf, nor could we conveniently respite some kind
of resolution therein without a great prejudice to the petitioners, who
would have lain under much inconvenience, if we had detained them
from their families till all the formality and circumstances of proceeding
(necessary at this distance) had regularly prepared the cause for a hearing.
We shall therefore let you know in the first place, that our present resolu-
tion is not grounded upon an admittance of the truth of what is charged,
we knowing well how much God hath honored your government, and
believing that your spirits and affairs are acted by principles of justice,
prudence and zeal to God, and therefore cannot easily receive any evil
impressions concerning your proceedings. In the next place, you may
take notice, that we found the petitioners' aim and desire, in the result of
it, was not so much a reparation for what past, as a settling their habita-
tion for the future under that government by a charter of civil incorpora-
tion which was heretofore granted them by ourselves. We find withal
that the tract of land, called the Narragansett Bay, (concerning which
the question is arisen,) was divers years since inhabited by those of Provi-
dence, Portsmouth, and Newport, who are interested in the complaint, and
that the same is wholly without the bounds of the Massachusetts patent
granted by his majesty. We have considered that they be English, and
that the forcing of them to find out new places of residence will be very
chargeable, difficult, and uncertain.
And therefore upon the whole matter do hereby pray and require
you to permit and suffer the petitioners and all the late inhabitants of
Narragansett Bay, with their families and such as shall hereafter join
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 293
with them, freely and quietly to live and plant upon Shawomett and such
other parts of the said tract of land within the bounds mentioned in our
said charter, on which they have formerly planted and lived, without
extending your jurisdiction to any part thereof, or otherwise disquieting
them in their consciences or civil peace, or interrupting them in their
possession until such time as we shall have received your answer to their
claim in point of title, and you shall thereupon have received our further
order therein.
And in case any others, since the petitioners' address to England,
have taken possession of any part of the lands heretofore enjoyed by the
petitioners or any their associates, you are to cause them which are newly
possessed, as aforesaid, to be removed, that this order may be fully per-
formed. And till our further order neither the petitioners are to enlarge
their plantations, nor are any others to be suffered to intrude upon any
part of the Narragansett Bay.
And if they shall be found hereafter to abuse this favor by any act
tending to disturb your right, we shall express a due sense thereof, so as
to testify a care of your honor, protection, and encouragement.
In order to the effecting of this resolution, we do also require, that
you do suffer the said Mr. Gorton, Mr. Holden, Mr. Greene, and their
company, with their goods and necessaries, to pass through any part of
that territory which is under your jurisdiction, toward the said tract of
land, without molestation, they demeaning themselves civilly, any former
sentence of expulsion or otherwise notwithstanding.
We shall only add that to these orders of ours we shall ex^pect a con-
formity, not only from yourselves, but from all other governors and
plantations in New England whom it may concern. And so commending
you to God's gracious protection, we rest, your very loving friends.
From the governor in Warwick, Governor and Admi. Jud.
chief. Lord Admiral and Northumberland,
Commissioners for foreign Pembroke and Montgomery,
Plantations, sitting at West- Nottingham,
minster, 15 May, 1646. Manchester,
Era. Dacre,
Sam. Vassall,
Corn. Holland,
Wm. Waller,
Wm. Purefoy,
Dennis Bond,
Geo. Snelling,
Ben. Rudyer.
294 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1646
Upon this order one question was, whether we should give
the commissioners their title, least thereby we should acknowl-
edge all that power they claimed in our jurisdiction as well as
in other plantations, which had not so large a charter as we.
It was considered withal, that whatever answer or remonstrance
we presented to them, if their stile were not observed, it was
doubted they would not receive it.
The advice of the elders was as follows.
Concerning the question of our dependence upon England, we con-
ceive,
1. That as we stand in near relation, so also in dependence upon that
state, in divers respects, viz. 1. We have received the power of our
government and other privileges, derived from thence by our charter.
2. We owe allegiance and fidelity to that state. 3. Erecting such a
government as the patent prescribes and subjecting ourselves to the laws
here ordained by that government, we therein yield subjection to the state
of England. 4. We owe unto that state the fifth part of gold and silver
ore that shall, etc. 5. We depend upon the state of England for protec-
tion and immunities of Englishmen, as free denization, etc.
2. We conceive, that in point of government we have granted by
patent such full and ample power of choosing all officers that shall com-
mand and rule over us, of making all laws and rules of our obedience, and
of a full and final determination of all cases in the administration of
justice, that no appeals or other ways of interrupting our proceedings do
lie against us.
3. Concerning our way of answering complaints against us in Eng-
land, we conceive, that it doth not well suit with us, nor are we directly
called thereto, to profess and plead our right and power, further than in
a way of justification of our proceedings questioned, from the words of
the patent. In which agitations and the issues thereof our agents shall
discern the mind of the parliament towards us, which if it be prepense and
favorable, there may be a fit season to procure such countenance of our
proceedings, and confirmation of our just power, as may prevent such
unjust complaints and interruptions, as now disturb our administrations.
But if the parliament should be less inclinable to us, we must wait upon
providence for the preservation of our just liberties.
4. Furthermore we do not clearly discern, but that we may give the
Earl of Warwick and the rest such titles as the parliament hath given
them, without subjecting to them in point of our government.
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 295
5. Lastly we conceive that as the hazardous state of England, the
case of the church of Bermuda, and so this weighty case of our liberties
do call the churches to a solemn seeking of the Lord for the upholding of
our state and disappointment of our adversaries.
The court had made choice of Mr. Edward Winslow, (one
of the magistrates of Plymouth,) as a fit man to be employed
in our present affairs in England, both in regard of his abihties
of presence, speech, courage, and understanding, as also being
well known to the commissioners, having suffered a few years
before divers months imprisonment, by means of the last arch
prelate, in the cause of New England. But it was now moved
by one of the elders, to send one of our own magistrates and
one of our elders. The motion and the reasons of it were well
apprehended, so as the governor and Mr. Norton, teacher of
the church in Ipswich, were named, and in a manner agreed
upon; but upon second thoughts it was let fall, chiefly for
these two reasons, L it was feared, in regard that Mr. Peter
had written to the governor to come over and assist in the
parliament's cause, etc., that if he were there, he would be
called into the parliament, and so detained, 2. many were upon
the wing, and his departure would occasion more new thoughts
and apprehensions, etc. 3. it was feared what changes his ab-
sence might produce, etc.
The governor was very averse to a voyage into England,
yet he declared himself ready to accept the service, if he should
be called to it, though he were then fifty-nine years of age,
wanting one month; but he was very glad when he saw the
mind of the Lord to be otherwise.
The court conferred with the elders about the petition of Dr.
Child, etc., also, for it had given great offence to many godly in
the country, both elders and others, and some answers had
been made to it, and presented to the court, out of which one
entire answer had been framed, in way of declaration of the
court's apprehension thereof, not by way of answer, because it
was adjudged a contempt, which declaration was after pub-
296 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
lished. The elders declared their opinion about it, but gave
no advice for censure, etc., leaving that to the court.
There was a ship then ready to set sail for England, wherein
Mr. Fowle (one of the petitioners) was to go, etc. The court
therefore sent for him, and required an account of him about
it, before his departure, and also Mr. John Smith of Rhode
Island, being then in town, and they were both required to find
sureties to be responsal, etc., whereupon they were troubled,
and desired they might answer presently, in regard they were
to depart, taking exception also, that the rest of the petitioners
were not called as well as they. Whereupon Dr. Child, etc.,
were sent for, and all appeared, save Mr. Maverick; and the
Dr. (being the chief speaker) demanded what should be laid to
their charge, seeing it was no offence to prefer a petition, etc.
It was answered, that they were not questioned for petitioning,
but for such miscarriages, etc., as appeared in their petition
and remonstrance. The Doctor replied, desiring that they
might know their charge. The court answered, they should
have it in due time ; it was not ready at present, nor had they
called them then, had it not been, that some of them were
upon their departure, and therefore the court required sureties
for their forth coming, etc. The Doctor, etc., still demanded
what offence they had committed, for which they should find
sureties, etc. Upon this pressing, one clause in their petition
was read to them, which was this, our brethren of England's
just indignation against us, so as they fly from us as from a
pest, etc., whereby they lay a great scandal upon the country,
etc. This was so clear as they could not evade it, but quarrelled
with the court, with high terms. The Doctor said, they did
beneath themselves in petitioning to us, etc., and in conclusion
appealed to the commissioners in England. The governor told
them, he would admit no appeal, nor was it allowed by our
charter, but by this it appeared what their aim was in their
petition; they complained of fear of perpetual slavery, etc.,
but their intent was, to make us slaves to them and such as
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GO\^RNOR 297
themselves were, and that by the parhament and commission-
ers, (meaning, by thi'eatening us with their authority, or calum-
niating us to them, etc.). For ourselves, it was well known,
we did ever honor the parhament, and were ready to perform
all due obedience, etc., to them according to our charter, etc.
The court let them know, that they did take notice of their
contemptuous speeches and behavior, as should further
appear in due time. In conclusion Mr. Fowle and Mr. Smith
were committed to the marshal for want of sureties, and the
rest were enjoined to attend the court when they should be
called. So they were dismissed, and Mr. Fowle, etc. found
sureties before night, and were set at liberty.
A committee was appointed to examine the petition, and
out of it to draw a charge, which was done, as followeth:
The court doth charge Dr. Child, etc., with divers false and scandalous
passages in a certain paper, entitled a remonstrance and petition (ex-
hibited by them to this court in the third month last) against the churches
of Christ and the civil government here established, derogating from the
honor and authority of the same, and tending to sedition, as in the par-
ticulars following will appear:
1. They take upon them to defame our government, and to control
both the wisdom of the state of England in the frame of our charter, and
also the wisdom and integrity of this court, in charging our government
to be an ill-compacted vessel.
2. They lay open the afflictions, which God hath pleased to exercise
us with, and that to the worst appearance, and impute it to the evil of
our government.
3. They charge us with manifest injury to a great part of the people
here, persuading them, that the liberties and privileges in our charter
belong to all freeborn Englishmen, inhabitants here; whereas they are
granted only to such as the governor and company shall think fit to
receive into that fellowship.
4. They closely insinuate into the minds of the people, that those
now in authority do intend to exercise unwarranted dominion and an
arbitrary government, such as is abominable to the parliament and that
party in England, thereby to make them slaves; and (to hide them-
selves) they pretend it to be the jealousies of others, and (which
298 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
tends to stir up commotion) they foretel them of intolerable bondage
to ensiue.
5. They go about to weaken the authority of our laws, and the
reverence and esteem of them, and consequently their obedience to them,
by persuading the people, that partly through want of the body of English
laws, and partly through the insufficiency or ill frame of those we have,
they can expect no sure enjoyment of their lives and liberties under them.
6. They falsely charge us with denying liberty of votes in such cases
where we allow them, as in choice of military officers, which is common
to the non-freemen with such as are free.
7. Their speeches tend to sedition, by insinuating into the people's
minds, that there are many thousands secretly discontented at the govern-
ment, etc., whereby those who indeed were so might be emboldened to
discover themselves, and to attempt some innovation, in confidence of so
many thousands to join with them, and so to kindle a great flame, the
foretelling whereof is a chief means to kindle it.
8. They raise a false report and foul slander upon the discipline of
our churches, and upon the civil government, by inferring that the frame
and dispensation thereof are such, as godly, sober, peaceable, etc., men
cannot live here like Christians, which they seem to conclude from hence,
that they desire liberty to remove where they may live like Christians.
9. They do (in effect) charge this government with tyranny, in im-
pressing their persons into the wars, committing them to prison, fining,
rating, etc., and all unjustly and illegally.
10. They falsely charge and slander the people of God, in affirming
that Christian vigilancy is no way exercised towards such as are not in
church fellowship, whereas themselves know, and have had experience
to the contrary. And if they had discerned any such failing, they ought
first to have complained of it in private to the elders, or brethren of such
churches where they have been so neglected, which (we may well think)
they have not done, nor had any just cause thereof.
11. Having thrown all this dirt and shame upon our churches and
government, etc., they endeavor to set it on, that it might stick fast, so as
all men might undoubtedly be persuaded of the reality thereof, by pro-
claiming it in their conclusion, that our own brethren in England have
just indignation against us for the same, which they labor to confirm by
the effect thereof, viz. that for these evils amongst us, these our own
brethren do fly from us as from a pest.
12. Lastly, that it may yet more clearly appear, that these evils and
obliquities, which they charge upon our government, are not the mere
jealousies of others, but their own apprehensions, (or pretences rather,)
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 299
they have publicly declared their disaffection thereto, in that, being called
by the court to render account of their misapprehensions and evil expres-
sions in the premises, they refused to answer; but, by appealing from this
government, they disclaimed the jurisdiction thereof, before they knew
whether the court would give any sentence against them, or not.
Their petition being read, and this charge laid upon them,
in the open court, before a great assembly, they desired time to
make answer to it, which was granted. .\nd giving the court
notice that their answer was ready, they assembled again, and
before all the people caused their answer to be read, which was
large, and to little purpose, and the court replied to the particu-
lars extempore, as they were read. The substance both of
the answer and reply was, as followeth, with some little addi-
tion, which for want of time was then omitted.
Answer. To the first they answer, that they termed these
plantations an ill-compacted vessel, 1. comparatively, in re-
spect of our native country, 2. in regard of the paucity of
people, scattered, etc., 3. for diversity of judgments amongst
us, many being for presbyterial government, according to the
reformation in England, others opposing it; some freemen,
others not. Differences there are also about bounds of col-
onies, patents, privileges, etc.
Reply. To this was rephed, 1. that the being of a thing,
talis, etc., hes in the perfection of parts, not degrees; a child of
a year old is as truly a man, and as well compact, as one of
sixty ; a ship of forty tons may be as well compact a vessel,
as the Royal Sovereign. And for the differences which are
amongst us, (through the Lord's mercy,) they are not either in
number or degree suitable to those in England, nor do they con-
cern our esse or non esse; and those which are, are raised by
such discontented and unquiet spirits as these petitioners.
To the second they answer negatively, which needed no
reply, it being evident in their petition, that (though they speak
of our sins in general, yet) they chiefly impute them to our evil
government, etc.
300 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
Answer. To the third, they deny the charge, but grant that
the governor and company may have some pecuhar privileges,
as other corporations of England have, which corporation
privileges, made for the most part for advancing mechanical
professions, in some places are much shghted by the English
gentry, unless in London and some great cities, because free-
born privileges are far greater and more honorable, etc.
Reply. To this it was rephed, that we could not but take
this as a scorn and slighting of us, (according to their former
carriage,) allowing us no more than any ordinary corporation,
and such privileges only as belong to mechanic men ; but for
greater and more gentile privileges, (as they term them,) those
they would share in ; and (which they impudently deny against
the plain words of their petition) they would have all freeborn
English to have as much right to them as the governor and
company.
Answer. To the fourth they answer as in their petition, and
a reason they give of their fear of arbitrary government is, that
some speeches and papers have been spread abroad for main-
tenance thereof, etc., and that a body of English laws have not
been here established, nor any other not repugnant thereto.
Reply. To this it was replied, 1. that the constant care
and pains the court hath taken for establishing a body of laws,
and that which hath been effected herein beyond any other
plantation, will sufficiently clear our government from being
arbitrary, and our intentions from any such disposition, 2. for
the laws of England (though by our charter we are not bound
to them, yet) our fundamentals are framed according to them,
as will appear by our declaration, which is to be published upon
this occasion, and the government of England itself is more
arbitrary in their chancery and other courts than ours is, 3.
because they would make men believe, that the want of the
laws of England was such a grievance to them, they were pressed
to show, what laws of England they wanted, and it was offered
them, (before all the assembly, who were desired to bear witness
1646J JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 301
of it,) that if they could produce any one law of England, the
want whereof was a just grievance to them, the court would
quit the cause, whereupon one of them instanced in a law used
in London, (where he had been a citizen,) but that was easily
taken away, by showing that that was only a bye-law, or pecul-
iar custom of the city, and none of the common or general
laws of England.
Answer. They answer negatively to the fifth, alleging that
they only commend the laws of England as those they are best
accustomed unto, etc., and therein they impudently and falsely
affirm, that we are obliged to those laws by om* general charter
and oath of allegiance, and that without those laws, or others
no way repugnant to them, they could not clearly see a cer-
tainty of enjoying their lives, hberties, and estates, etc., ac-
cording to their due natural rights, as freebom Enghsh, etc.
Reply. To this it was replied, that they charge us with
breach of our charter and of our oaths of allegiance, whereas
our allegiance binds us not to the laws of England any longer
than while we live in England, for the laws of the parliament
of England reach no further, nor do the king's writs under
the great seal go any further; what the orders of state may,
belongs not in us to determine. And whereas they seem
to admit of laws not repugnant, etc., if by repugnant they
mean, as the word truly imports, and as by the charter must
needs be intended, they have no cause to complain, for we have
no laws diametrically opposite to those of England, for then
they must be contrary to the law of God and of right reason,
which the learned in those laws have anciently and still do
hold forth as the fundamental basis of their laws, and that if
any thing hath been otherwise estabhshed, it was an error, and
not a law, being against the intent of the law-makers, however
it may bear the form of a law (in regard of the stamp of au-
thority set upon it) until it be revoked.
Answer. To the sixth they confess, that non-freemen have
a vote in choice of mifitary officers, but they justify their asser-
302 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1646
tion, in regard they must first take an oath of fidehty, which,
they say, is not (as they conceive) warranted by our charter,
and seems not to concur with the oath of allegiance and the
later covenants, but detracts from our native country and laws,
so as they cannot take it, etc.
Reply. This needs no reply. An absolute denial, and a de-
nial sub modo are not the same.
Answer. To the seventh they answer negatively only,
which their petition will sufficiently clear, for (reply) the
inference is so plain, as is obvious to any reasonable under-
standing.
Answer and reply. The fike for the eighth.
Answer. To the ninth they confess the words in their peti-
tion, viz., that divers of the English subjects have been im-
pressed for the wars, that rates are many and grievous, but
charge them not with tyranny, or injustice, or illegal proceed-
ing.
Reply. See what a manifest contradiction they have run
themselves into. They complain of these impresses and rates
as an unsupportable grievance, and yet neither tyrannical,
unjust, nor illegal; so as we must then conclude (as the very
truth is indeed) that the exercise of lawful authority, justice
and law, are a grievance to these men, if it come not in their
own way.
Answer. To the tenth, they would shift off that slander
upon our churches and brethren, by this distinction of Christian
vigilancy, properly and improperly so called; properly is in
three respects, 1. of the church covenant, 2. of the term,
brethren, 3. church censure. And all other Christian vigilancy
they account improper; and so this is not to be intended or
comprised in this proposition, viz.. Christian vigilancy is no
way exercised towards non-members.
Reply. This is so gross a fallacy, as needs no skill to dis-
cover it.
Answer. To the eleventh they answer by confessing the
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 303
words, save that they say, they spake of their brethren, not our
brethren. Reply. Who they challenge for their brethren pecul-
iarly we know not, for all such there as in judgment of charity
go for true Christians in England, we do and have always
accounted brethren, and in a common sense all of that nation
we have accounted brethren; and further they justify that
speech, that they have just indignation against us, etc., for
three reasons, 1. for not establishing the laws of England, 2.
not admitting them to civil Uberties, 3. not admitting them to
the sacraments; and yet they dare affirm that they do not
charge this upon the court, etc. They also justify that speech,
of flying from us as from a pest, by the like speeches some of
them have heard from godly men in England, and by so many
going from us, and so few coming to us. But admit all this to
be true, yet what calling have these men to publish tliis to our
reproach? And beside they know well, that as some speak
evil of us, because we conform not to their opinions, in allow-
ing liberty to every erroneous judgment, so there are many, no
less godly and judicious, who do approve our practice, and con-
tinue their good affection to us.
Answer. To the twelfth (professing their ignorance of the
meaning of the word, obliquities, to which was rephed, that
then they did not know rather what rectum was, for whatso-
ever is not rectum is obliquum) they make an apology for their
appeal, as conceiving it lawful to appeal to the parliament, to
which they were necessitated, some of them being hindered
from their necessary occasions, and accounting it no offence to
petition, etc., nor had the parliament ever censured any for the
like, etc. And if this will not satisfy the court, etc., some few
queries to the parliament (the best arbiters in these cases) will
(we hope) end all controversies, etc., concluding that they hope
we will censure all things candidly and in the best sense.
To which it was replied, that appeals did not lie from us, by
our charter; and to appeal, before any sentence, was to dis-
claim our jurisdiction, etc.
304 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
I should also have noted the Doctor's logic, who undertook
to prove, that we were subject to the laws of England. His
argument was this, every corporation of England is subject to
the laws of England; but this was a corporation of England,
ergo, etc.
To which it was answered, 1. that there is a difference
between subjection to the laws in general, as all that dwell
in England are, and subjection to some laws of state, proper
to foreign plantations, 2. we must distinguish between corpora-
tions within England and corporations of but not within
England; the first are subject to the laws of England in gen-
eral, yet not to every general law, as the city of London and
other corporations have divers customs and by-laws differing
from the common and statute laws of England. Again,
though plantations be bodies corporate, (and so is every city
and commonwealth,) yet they are also above the rank of an
ordinary corporation. If one of London should say before the
mayor and aldermen, or before the common council, you are
but a corporation, this would be taken as a contempt. And
among the Romans, Grecians, and other nations, colonies have
been esteemed other than towns, yea than many cities, for they
have been the foundations of great commonwealths. And it
was a fruit of much pride and folly in these petitioners to de-
spise the day of small things.
These petitioners persisting thus obstinately and proudly in
their evil practice, the court proceeded to consider of their cen-
sure, and agreed, that the Doctor (in regard he had no cause to
complain, and yet was a leader to the rest, and had carried
himself proudly, etc., in the court) should be fined fifty pounds,
Mr. Smith (being also a stranger) forty pounds, Mr. Maverick
(because he had not as yet appealed) ten pounds, and the other
four thirty pounds each.* So being again called before the
* The modern reader will not sympathize with this narrow action of the theoc-
racy. " Surprise almost equals our indignation at this exorbitant imposition, for
in this very year Fowle was associated with Winthrop as one of the selectmen of
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 305
court, they were exhorted to consider better of their proceed-
ings, and take knowledge of their miscarriage, which was great,
and that they had transgressed the rule of the Apostle [blank],
study to be quiet and to meddle with your own business.
They were put in mind also of that sin of Corah, etc., and of
the near resemblance between theirs and that; they only
told Moses and Aaron, that they took too much upon them,
seeing all were the Lord's people, etc., so these say, that
the magistrates and freemen take too much upon them, seeing
all the people are Englishmen, etc., and others are wise, holy,
etc. They were offered also, if they would ingenuously ac-
knowledge their miscarriage, etc., it should be freely remitted.
But they remaining obstinate, the court declared their sentence,
as is before expressed.
Upon which they all appealed to the parliament, etc., and
tendered their appeal in writing. The court received the pa-
per; but refused to accept it, or to read it in the court.
Three of the magistrates, viz., Mr. Bellingham, Mr. Salton-
stall, and Mr. Bradstreet dissented, and desired to be entered
contradicentes in all the proceedings (only Mr. Bradstreet went
home before the sentence). Two or three of the deputies did
the like. So the court was dissolved.^
Dr. Child prepared now in all haste to go for England in the
ship which was to go about a week after, to prosecute their
appeal, and to get a petition from the non-freemen to the parlia-
Boston, and Maverick was so much interested in the great work of fortifying
Castle Island, that he advanced a large part of the outlay, and the metropolis
engaged to save him harmless to a certain extent. Union of the good spirit of
the civiHans, that dreaded all appeals to England for correction of any error in
our administration, with the evil spirit of the clergy, that would enforce uniformity
in ceremonies and belief, produced the effect of preventing many from coming
to Massachusetts, and drove away many who had already established here their
domestic altars. All these petitioners, but Maverick, left the country, I believe.
He had long experience enough of the habits of our rulers to know, that their
intolerance sometimes yielded to interest, and that humanity often overpowered
the perversity of their zeal for God's house, by which they might seem to be eaten
up." (Savage.)
1 One reads gladly of the dissent of these important men.
306 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
ment, and many high and menacing words were given forth by
them against us, which gave occasion to the governor and
council (so many of them as were then assembled to hold the
court of assistants) to consider what was fit to be done. Neither
thought they fit to impart their counsel to such of the magis-
trates as had declared their dissent ; but the rest of them agreed
to stay the Doctor for his fine, and to search his trunk and Mr.
Band's study, but spake not of it till the evening before the
Doctor was to depart. Then it was propounded in council,
and Mr. Bellingham dissented, as before, (yet the day before
he moved for stopping the Doctor, which was conceived to be to
feel if there were any such intention,) and presently went aside,
and spake privately with one, who we were sure would prevent
our purpose, if it were possible. Whereupon (whereas we had
agreed to defer it till he had been on shipboard) now perceiving
our counsel was discovered, we sent the officers presently to
fetch the Doctor, and to search his study and Dand's both at
one instant, which was done accordingly, and the Doctor was
brought, and his trunk, that was to be carried on shipboard
(but there was nothing in that, which concerned the business).
But at Dand's they found Mr. Smith, who catched up some
papers, and when the officer took them from him, he brake
out into these speeches, viz. we hope shortly we shall have
commission to search the governor's closet. There were
found the copies of two petitions and twenty-three queries,
which were to be sent to England to the commissioners for
plantations. The one from Dr. Child and the other six peti-
tioners, wherein they declare, how they had formerly petitioned
our general court, and had been fined for the same, and forced
to appeal, and that the ministers of our churches did revile
them, etc., as far as the wit or mahce of man could, etc., and
that they meddled in civil affairs beyond their calling, and were
masters rather than ministers, and ofttimes judges, and that
they had stirred up the magistrates against them, and that a
day of humiliation was appointed, wherein they were to pray
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 307
against them, etc. Then they mention (as passing by them)
what affronts, jeers, and despiteful speeches were cast upon
them by some of the court, etc. Then they petition, 1. for
settled churches according to the reformation of England, 2.
that the laws of England may be established here, and that
arbitrary power may be banished, 3. for hberties for English
freeholders here as in England, etc., 4. that a general governor
or some honorable commissioners be appointed for setthng, etc.,
5. that the oath of allegiance may be commanded to be taken
by all, and other covenants which the parliament shall think
most convenient, to be as a touchstone to try our affections to
the state of England and true restored protestant rehgion, 6.
to resolve their queries, etc., 7. to take into consideration their
remonstrance and petition exhibited to the general court.
Their queries were chiefly about the vahdity of our patent,
and how it might be forfeited, and whether such and such acts
or speeches in the pulpits or in the court, etc., were not high
treason ; concerning the power of our court and laws in divers
particular cases; and whether they may be hindered by the
order of this court from settling in a church way according to
the reformation of England, etc.
The other petition was from some non-freemen (pretending
to be in the name, and upon the sighs and tears of many
thousands). In the preamble they show how they were driven
out of their native country by the tyranny of the bishops, etc.
Then they petition for liberty of conscience, etc., and for a
general governor, etc. They sent their agents up and down
the country to get hands to this petition. But of the many
thousands they spake of, we could hear but of twenty-five to
the chief petition, and those were (for the most part) either
young men who came over servants, and never had any show
of religion in them, or fishermen of Marblehead, profane
persons, divers of them brought the last year from Newfound-
land to fish a season, and so to return again; others were
such as were drawn in by their relations, men of no reason
308 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
neither, as a barber of Boston, who, being demanded by the
governor, what moved him to set his hand, made answer, that
the gentlemen were his customers, etc. ; and these are the men,
who must be held forth to the parliament, as driven out of Eng-
land by the bishops, etc., and whose tears and sighs must move
compassion/
Dr. Child, being upon this apprehended and brought before
the governor and council, fell into a great passion, and gave
big words, but being told, that they considered he was a person
of quality, and therefore he should be used with such respect
as was meet to be showed to a gentleman and a scholar, but if
he would behave himself no better, he should be committed to
the common prison and clapped in irons, upon this he grew
more calm; so he was committed to the marshal, with Smith
and Dand, for two or three days, till the ships were gone. For
he was very much troubled to be hindered from his voyage, and
offered to pay his fine ; but that would not be accepted for his
discharge, seeing we had now new matter and worse against
him (for the writings were of his hand). Yet, upon tender of
sufficient bail, he was set at hberty, but confined to his house,
and to appear at the next court of assistants. His confinement
he took grievously, but he could not help it. The other two
were committed to prison, yet lodged in the keeper's house,
and had what diet they pleased, and none of their friends for-
bidden to come to them. There was also one Thomas Joy, a
young fellow, a carpenter, whom they had employed to get
hands to the petition; he began to be very busy, and would
know of the marshal, when he went to search Band's study, if
his warrant were in the king's name, etc. He was laid hold
on, and kept in irons about four or five days, and then he hum-
bled himself, confessed what he knew, and blamed himself for
meddling in matters belonging not to him, and blessed God
for these irons upon his legs, hoping they should do him good
^ The great risks for those who gave their names will explain the small number
of signers.
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 309
while he lived. So he was let out upon reasonable bail. But
Smith and Dand would not be examined, and therefore were
not bailed; but their offence being in nature capital, etc.,
bail might be refused in that regard.
For their trial at the general court in (4) 47 {June, 1647),
and the sentence against them, etc., it is set down at large in
the records of that court, with their petitions and queries in-
tended for England, and all proceedings. Mr. Dand not being
able to pay his fine of two hundred pounds, nor willing to ac-
knowledge his offence, was kept in prison ; but at the general
court (3) 48 {May, 1648), upon his humble submission, he was
freely discharged.*
Mr. Winslow being now to go for England, etc., the court
was troubled how to furnish him with money or beaver, (for
there was nothing in the treasury, the country being in debt
one thousand pounds, and what comes in by levies is com or
cattle,) but the Lord stirred up the hearts of some few persons
to lend one hundred pounds, to be repaid by the next levy.
Next we went in hand to draw up his commission and instruc-
tions, and a remonstrance and a petition to the commissioners
in England, which were as follows:
To the right honorable Robert, Earl of Warwick, governor in chief,
lord admiral, and other the lords and gentlemen, commissioners for for-
eign plantations, the humble remonstrance and petition of the governor
and company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England in America.
In way of answer to the petition and declaration of Samuel Gorton,
etc.
Whereas by virtue of his majesty's charter, granted to your petitioners
* Dr. Robert Child, whose boldness was met by such severe checks, was a
young man well trained and connected, the reputed holder of a degree in medicine
from the University of Padua, in Italy. Thomas Joy, a man of humbler station,
but perhaps no less courageous and self-sacrificing, was the ancestor of an im-
portant Boston family. The recalcitrants appear to have believed that a sub-
version of the existing colonial government would be an easy matter; notice
Smith's remark above. Winthrop and his party plainly appreciated their danger,
and sent their best man, Edward Winslow, to present to the powers in England
their carefully worded statement.
310 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1646
in the fourth year of his highness's reign, we were incorporated into a body
politic with divers Hberties and privileges extending to that part of New
England where we now inhabit, we do acknowledge (as we have always
done, and as in duty we are bound) that, although we are removed out of
our native country, yet we still have dependence upon that state, and owe
allegiance and subjection thereunto, according to our charter, and ac-
cordingly we have mourned and rejoiced therewith, and have held friends
and enemies in common with it, in all the changes which have befallen
it. Our care and endeavor also hath been to frame our government and
administrations to the fundamental rules thereof, so far as the different
condition of this place and people, and the best light we have from the
word of God, will allow. And whereas, by order from your honors, dated
May 15, 1646, we find that your honors have still that good opinion of
us, as not to credit what hath been informed against us before we be
heard, we render humble thanks to your honors for the same; yet foras-
much as our answer to the information of the said Gorton, etc, is ex-
pected, and something also required of us, which (in all humble submis-
sion) we conceive may be prejudicial to the liberties granted us by the
said charter, and to our well being in this remote part of the world, (under
the comfort whereof, through the blessing of the Lord, his majesty's
favor, and the special care and bounty of the high court of parliament,
we have lived in peace and prosperity these seventeen years,) our humble
petition (in the first place) is, that our present and future conformity to
your orders and directions may be accepted with a salvo jure, that when
times may be changed, (for all things here below are subject to vanity,)
and other princes or parliaments may arise, the generations succeeding
may not have cause to lament, and say, England sent our fathers forth
with happy liberties, which they enjoyed many years, notwithstanding
all the enmity and opposition of the prelacy, and other potent adversaries,
how came we then to lose them, under the favor and protection of that
state, in such a season, when England itself recovered its own ? In freto
viximus, in portu morimur. But we confide in your honors' justice,
wisdom, and goodness, that our posterity shall have cause to rejoice under
the fruit and shelter thereof, as ourselves and many others do; and
therefore we are bold to represent to your honors our apprehensions,
whereupon we have thus presumed to petition you in this behalf.
It appears to us, by the said order, that we are conceived, 1. to have
transgressed our limits, by sending soldiers to fetch in Gorton, etc., out
of Shaomett in the Narragansett Bay, 2. that we have either exceeded or
abused our authority, in banishing them out of our jurisdiction, when
they were in our power. For the first we humbly crave (for your better
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 311
satisfaction) that your honors will be pleased to peruse what we have
delivered to the care of Mr. Edward Winslow, our agent or commissioner,
(whom we have sent on purpose to attend your honors,) concerning our
proceedings in that affair and the grounds thereof, which are truly and
faithfully reported, and the letters of the said Gorton and his company,
and other letters concerning them, faithfully copied out (not verbatim
only, but even literatim, according to their own bad English). The
originals we have by us, and had sent them, but for casualty of the seas.
Thereby it will appear what the men are, and how unworthy your favor.
Thereby also will appear the wrongs and provocations we received from
them, and our long patience towards them, till they became our professed
enemies, wrought us disturbance, and attempted our ruin. In which
case, our charter (as we conceive) gives us full power to deal with them
as enemies by force of arms, they being then in such place where we could
have no right from them by civil justice; which the commissioners for
the United Colonies finding, and the necessity of calling them to account,
left the business [to us] to do.
For the other particular in your honor's order, viz., the banishment
of Gorton, etc., as we are assured, upon good grounds, that our sentence
upon them was less than their deserving, so (as we conceive) we had
sufficient authority, by our charter, to inflict the same, having full and
absolute power and authority to punish, pardon, rule, govern, etc., granted
us therein.
Now, by occasion of the said order, those of Gorton's company begin
to lift up their heads and speak their pleasures of us, threatening the poor
Indians also, who (to avoid their tyranny) had submitted themselves and
their lands under our protection and government; and divers other
sachems, following their example, have done the like, and some of them
brought (by the labor of one of our elders, Mr. John Eliot, who hath ob-
tained to preach to them in their own language) to good forwardness in
embracing the gospel of God in Christ Jesus. All which hopeful begin-
nings are like to be dashed, if Gorton, etc., shall be countenanced and
upheld against them and us, which also will endanger our peace here at
home. For some among ourselves (men of unquiet spirits, affecting rule
and innovation) have taken boldness to prefer scandalous and seditious
petitions for such liberties as neither our charter, nor reason or religion
will allow; and being called before us in open court to give account of
their miscarriage therein, they have threatened us with your honor's
authority, and (before they knew whether we would proceed to any
sentence against them, or not) have refused to answer, but appealed to
your honors. The copy of their petition, and our declaration thereupon.
312 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1646
our said commissioner hath ready to present to you, when your leisure
shall permit to hear them. Their appeals we have not admitted, being
assured, that they cannot stand with the liberty and power granted us by
our charter, nor will be allowed by your honors, who well know it would
be destructive to all government, both in the honor and also in the power
of it, if it should be in the liberty of delinquents to evade the sentence of
justice, and force us, by appeal, to follow them into England, where the
evidence and circiunstances of facts cannot be so clearly held forth as in
their proper place; besides the insupportable charges we must be at in
the prosecution thereof. These considerations are not new to your
honors and the high court of parliament, the records whereof bear witness
of the wisdom and faithfulness of our ancestors in that great council, who,
in those times of darkness, when they acknowledged a supremacy in the
bishops of Rome in all causes ecclesiastical, yet would not allow appeals
to Rome, etc., to remove causes out of the courts in England.
Beside, (though we shall readily admit, that the wisdom and experi-
ence of that great council, and of your honors, as a part thereof, are far
more able to prescribe rules of government, and to judge of causes, than
such poor rustics as a wilderness can breed up, yet,) considering the vast
distance between England and these parts, (which usually abates the
virtue of the strongest influences,) your counsels and judgments could
neither be so well grounded, nor so seasonably applied, as might either be
so useful to us, or so safe for yourselves, in your discharge, in the great
day of account, for any miscarriage which might befal us, while we de-
pended upon your counsel and help, which could not seasonably be ad-
ministered to us. Whereas if any such should befal us, when we have
the government in our own hands, the state of England shall not answer
for it. In consideration of the premises, our humble petition to your
honors (in the next place) is, that you will be pleased to continue your
favorable aspect upon these poor infant plantations, that we may still
rejoice and bless our God under your shadow, and be there still nourished
(tanquam calore et rore coelesti;) and while God owns us for a people of
his, he will own our poor prayers for you, and your goodness towards
us, for an abundant recompense. And this in special, if you shall please
to pass by any failings you may have observed in our course, to confirm
our liberties, granted to us by charter, by leaving delinquents to our just
proceedings, and discountenancing our enemies and disturbers of our
peace, or such as molest our people there, upon pretence of injustice.
Thus craving pardon, if we have presumed too far upon your honors'
patience, and expecting a gracious testimony of your wonted favor by
this our agent, which shall further oblige us and our posterity in all
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 313
humble and faithful service to the high court of parliament and to your
honors, we continue our earnest prayers for your prosperity forever.
By order of the general court.
(10) (December) 46. Increase Nowell, Secretary.
John Winthrop, Governor.
The copy of the commission to Mr. Winslow.
Mattachusetts in New England in America.
"Whereas Samuel Gorton, John Greene, and Randall Holden, by
petition and declaration exhibited to the right honorable the Earl of
Warwick, governor in chief, and commissioners for foreign plantations,
as members of the high court of parliament, have charged divers false and
scandalous matters against us, whereof their honors have been pleased to
give us notice, and do expect our answer for clearing the same, we therefore
the governor and company of the Mattachusetts aforesaid, assembled
in our general court, being careful to give all due respect to his lordship
and the honorable commissioners, and having good assurance of the wis-
dom and faithfulness of you, our worthy and loving friend, Mr. Edward
Winslow, do hereby give power and commission to you to appear before
his lordship and commissioners, and presenting our most humble duty
and service to their honors, for us and in our name to exhibit our humble
remonstrance and petition, in way of answer to the said false and unjust
charge of the said Gorton, etc., and by the same and other writings and
instructions delivered to you under the hand of Mr. Increase Nowell our
secretary, to inform their honors of the truth and reason of all our pro-
ceedings with the said Gorton, etc., so as our innocency and the justice
of our proceedings may appear to their honors' satisfaction. And if any
other complaints, in any kind, have been, or shall be, made against us
before the said commissioners, or before the high court of parliament,
you have hereby like power and commission to answer on our behalf ac-
cording to your instructions. And we humbly crave of the high court
of parliament and of the honorable commissioners, that they will vouch-
safe our said commissioner free liberty of seasonable access, as occasion
shall require, and a favorable hearing, with such credit to such writings
as he shall present in our name, under the hand of our said secretary, as
if we had presented them in person, upon that faith and credit, which we
would not wittingly violate, for all worldly advantages ; and that our said
commissioner may find such speed and despatch, and may be under such
safe protection, in his stay and return, as that honorable court useth to
314 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1646
afford to their humble subjects and servants in like cases. In testimony
hereof we have caused our common seal to be hereunto affixed, dated
this 4 (10) 1646.
By order of the court.
Increase Nowell, Secretary.
John Winthrop, Governor.
Mr. Winslow his instructions were of two sorts; the one
(which he might pubhsh, etc.) were only directions, according
to his commission, and remonstrance and other writings
dehvered him. The other were more secret, which were these
following.
If you shall be demanded about these particulars: —
Obj. 1. Why we make not out our process in the king's name? you
shall answer: —
1. That we should thereby waive the power of our government
granted to us, for we claim not as by commission, but by a free donation
of absolute government, 2. for avoiding appeals, etc.
Obj. 2. That our government is arbitrary.
Answer. We have four or five hundred express laws, as near the laws
of England as may be; and yearly we make more, and where we have
no law, we judge by the word of God, as near as we can.
Obj. 3. About enlarging our limits, etc.
Answer. Such Indians as are willing to come under our government,
we know no reason to refuse. Some Indians we have subdued by just
war, as the Pequids. Some English also, having purchased lands of the
Indians, have submitted to our government.
Obj. 4. About our subjection to England.
Answer 1. We are to pay the one fifth part of ore of gold and silver.
2. In being faithful and firm to the state of England, endeavoring
to walk with God in upholding his truth, etc., and praying for it.
3. In framing our government according to our patent, so near as
we may.
Obj. 5. About exercising admiral jurisdiction.
Answer 1 . We are not restrained by our charter.
2. We have power given us to rule, punish, pardon, etc., in all cases,
ergo in maritime.
3. We have power granted us to defend ourselves and offend our
1646] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 315
enemies, as well by sea as by land, ergo we must needs have power to
judge of such cases.
4. Without this, neither our own people nor strangers could have
justice from us in such cases.
Obj. 6. About our independency upon that state.
Answer. Our dependency is in these points : 1. we have received our
government and other privileges by our charter, 2. we owe allegiance
and fidelity to that state, 3. in erecting a government here accordingly
and subjecting thereto, we therein yield subjection to that state, 4. in
rendering the one fifth part of ore, etc., 5. we depend upon that state for
protection, and immunities as freeborn Englishmen.
Obj. 7. Seeing we hold of East Greenwich, etc., why every freeholder
of forty shillings per annum have not votes in elections, etc., as in England.
Answer. Our charter gives that liberty expressly to the freemen only.
Obj. 8. By your charter, such as we transport are to live under his
majesty's allegiance.
Answer. So they all do, and so intended, so far as we know.
Obj. 9. About a general governor.
Answer 1. Our charter gives us absolute power of government.
2. On the terms above specified, we conceive, the patent hath no
such thing in it, neither expressed, nor implied.
3. We had not transported ourselves and families upon such terms.
4. Other plantations have been undertaken at the charge of others
in England, and the planters have their dependence upon the companies
there, and those planters go and come chiefly for matter of profit; but
we came to abide here, and to plant the gospel, and people the country,
and herein God hath marvellously blessed us.
1647
(1.) (March.)] At the court of assistants, three or four were
sent for, who had been very active about the petition to the
commissioners in procuring hands to it, (it being thought fit
to pass by such as being drawn in had only subscribed the
petition,) especially Mr. Samuel Maverick and Mr. Clerk of
Salem, the keeper of the ordinary there and a church member.
These having taken an oath of fideUty to the government, and
enjoying all Uberties of freemen, their offence was far the
greater. So they were bound over to answer it at the next
general court.
Mr. Smith and Mr. Dand (giving security to pay their fines,
assessed upon the former petition, within two months) were
bailed to the general court.
Dr. Child also was offered his liberty, upon bail to the gen-
eral court, and to be confined to Boston ; but he chose rather
to go to prison, and so he was committed.
The reason of referring these and others to the general court
was, both in regard the cause was of so great concernment, as
the very hfe and foundation of our government, and also be-
cause the general court had cognizance thereof already upon
the first petition.^
Mr. Burton, one of the petitioners, being in the town
* The record here concluded, deserves careful reading. The heads in New
England proceed warily. In disturbed England, whether the King or Parliament
was to prevail, and what was to be the situation, was involved in doubt. Behind
the shield of their charter they determined, if they could, to establish a large de-
gree of independence, but it must be noted that independence at this time was
coupled with ecclesiastical domination and general loss of liberty, whereas depend-
ence would bring to the colonies the far freer atmosphere of England. For
severe contemporary criticism of the petition Winslow was to present, see Edward
Johnson, Wonder-Working Providence, book in., chap. in.
316
1647] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 317
meeting, when the court's declaration was read, was much
moved, and spake in high language, and would needs have a
copy of it, which so soon as he had, he went with it (as was
undoubtedly believed) to Dr. Child, and in the way fell down,
and lay there in the cold near half an hour, till company was
gotten to carry him home in a chair, and after he continued in
great pain, and lame divers months.
It is observable that this man had gathered some provi-
dences about such as were against them, as that Mr. Winslow's
horse died, as he came riding to Boston ; that his brother's son
(a child of eight years old) had killed his own sister (being ten
years of age) with his father's piece, etc., and his great trouble
was, least this providence which now befel him, should be im-
puted to their cause.
There fell out at this time a very sad occasion. A merchant
of Plymouth in England, (whose father had been mayor there,)
called [blank] Martin, being fallen into decay, came to Casco
Bay, and after some time, having occasion to return into Eng-
land, he left behind him two daughters, (very proper maidens
and of modest behavior,) but took not that course for their safe
bestowing in his absence, as the care and wisdom of a father
should have done, so as the eldest of them, called Mary, twenty-
two years of age, being in [the] house with one Mr. Mitton,
a married man of Casco, within one quarter of a year, he was
taken with her, and soliciting her chastity, obtained his desire,
and having divers times committed sin with her, in the space
of three months, she then removed to Boston, and put herself
in service to Mrs. Bourne ; and finding herself to be with child,
and not able to bear the shame of it, she concealed it, and
though divers did suspect it, and some told her mistress their
fears, yet her behavior was so modest, and so faithful she was
in her service, as her mistress would not give ear to any such
report, but blamed such as told her of it. But, her time being
come, she was delivered of a woman child in a back room by
herself upon the 13 (10) (December 13) in the night, and the
318 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1647
child was born alive, but she kneeled upon the head of it, till
she thought it had been dead, and having laid it by, the child,
being strong, recovered, and cried again. Then she took it
again, and used violence to it till it was quite dead. Then she
put it into her chest, and having cleansed the room, she went to
bed, and arose again the next day about noon, and went about
her business, and so continued till the nineteenth day, that her
master and mistress went on shipboard to go for England.
They being gone, and she removed to another house, a midwife
in the town, having formerly suspected her, and now coming to
her again, found she had been delivered of a child, which, upon
examination, she confessed, but said it was still-born, and so
she put it into the fire. But, search being made, it was found
in her chest, and when she was brought before the jury, they
caused her to touch the face of it, whereupon the blood came
fresh into it.* Whereupon she confessed the whole truth, and
a surgeon, being called to search the body of the child, found a
fracture in the skull. Before she was condemned, she con-
fessed, that she had prostituted her body to another also, one
Sears. She behaved herself very penitently while she was in
prison, and at her death, 18 (1,) {March 18) complaining much
of the hardness of her heart. She confessed, that the first and
second time she committed fornication, she prayed for pardon,
and promised to commit it no more; and the third time she
prayed God, that if she did fall into it again, he would make
her an example, and therein she justified God, as she did
in the rest. Yet all the comfort God would afford her, was
only trust (as she said) in his mercy through Christ. After
she was turned off and had hung a space, she spake, and
asked what they did mean to do. Then some stepped up,
and turned the knot of the rope backward, and then she
soon died.
Mention was made before of some beginning to instruct the
* In this pitiful tale appears, as in a previous case, a very old and wide-spread
superstition.
1647] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 319
Indians, etc. Mr. John Eliot, teacher of the church of Roxbury,
found such encouragement, as he took great pains to get their
language, and in a few months could speak of the things of
God to their understanding ; and God prospered his endeavors,
so as he kept a constant lecture to them in two places, one
week at the wigwam of one Wabon, a new sachem near Water-
town mill, and the other the next week in the wigwam of
Cutshamekin near Dorchester mill. And for the furtherance
of the work of God, divers of the English resorted to his lecture,
and the governor and other of the magistrates and elders
sometimes ; and the Indians began to repair thither from other
parts. His manner of proceeding was thus ; he would persuade
one of the other elders or some magistrate to begin the exercise
with prayer in Enghsh ; then he took a text, and read it first in
the Indian language, and after in Enghsh ; then he preached to
them in Indian about an hour ; (but first I should have spoke
of the catechising their children, who were soon brought
to answer him some short questions, whereupon he gave each
of them an apple or a cake) then he demanded of some of
the chiefs, if they understood him ; if they answered, yea, then
he asked of them if they had any questions to propound. And
they had usually two or three or more questions, which he did
resolve. At one time (when the governor was there and about
two himdred people, Indian and English, in one wigwam of
Cutshamekin 's) an old man asked him, if God would receive
such an old man as he was ; to whom he answered by opening
the parable of the workmen that were hired into the vineyard ;
and when he had opened it, he asked the old man, if he did
beheve it, who answered he did, and was ready to weep. A
second question was, what was the reason, that when all Eng-
hshmen did know God, yet some of them were poor. His
answer was, 1. that God knows it is better for his children to
be good than to be rich ; he knows withal, that if some of them
had riches, they would abuse them, and wax proud and wanton,
etc., therefore he gives them no more riches than may be need-
320 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1647
ful for them, that they may be kept from pride, etc., to depend
upon him, 2. he would hereby have men know, that he hath
better blessings to bestow upon good men than riches, etc., and
that their best portion is in heaven, etc. A third question was,
if a man had two wives, (which was ordinary with them,) seeing
he must put away one, which he should put away. To this it
was answered, that by the law of God the first is the true wife,
and the other is no wife ; but if such a case fell out, they should
then repair to the magistrates, and they would direct them
what to do, for it might be, that the first wife might be an
adulteress, etc., and then she was to be put away. When all
their questions were resolved, he concluded with prayer in the
Indian language.
The Indians were usually very attentive, and kept their
children so quiet as caused no disturbance. Some of them
began to be seriously affected, and to imderstand the things of
God, and they were generally ready to reform whatsoever they
were told to be against the word of God, as their sorcery,
(which they call powwowing,) their whoredoms, etc., idleness,
etc. The Indians grew very inquisitive after knowledge both
in things divine and also human, so as one of them, meeting
with an honest plain Englishman, would needs know of him,
what were the first beginnings (which we call principles) of a
commonwealth. The EngHshman, being far short in the
knowledge of such matters, yet ashamed that an Indian should
find an EngUshman ignorant of any thing, bethought himself
what answer to give him, at last resolved upon this, viz. that
the first principle of a commonwealth was salt, for (saith
he) by means of salt we can keep our flesh and fish, to have
it ready when we need it, whereas you lose much for want
of it, and are sometimes ready to starve. A second principle is
iron, for thereby we fell trees, build houses, till our land, etc.
A third is, ships, by which we carry forth such commodities as
we have to spare, and fetch in such as we need, as cloth, wine,
etc. Alas! (saith the Indian) then I fear, we shall never be
1647] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 321
a commonwealth, for we can neither make salt, nor iron, nor
ships.*
It pleased God so to prosper our fishing this season, as that
at Marblehead only they had taken by the midst of the (11)
month (January) about four thousand pounds worth of fish.
(10.) {December. )Y But the Lord was still pleased to afflict
us in our shipping, for Major Gibbons and Captain Leverett
having sent a new ship of about one hundred tons to Virginia,
and having there freighted her with tobacco, going out of the
river, by a sudden storm was forced on shore from her anchor,
and much of the goods spoiled, to the loss (as was estimated) of
above two thousand pounds.
I must here observe a special providence of God, pointing
out his displeasure against some profane persons, who took
part with Dr. Child, etc., against the government and churches
here. The com't had appointed a general fast, to seek God (as
for some other occasions, so) in the trouble which threatened
us by the petitioners, etc. The pastor of Hingham, and others
of his church (being of their party) made light of it, and some
said they would not fast against Dr. Child and against them-
selves; and there were two of them (one Pitt and Jolmson)
' The apostleship of John Eliot will always be held one of the most creditable
episodes of our early history. Winthrop's picture of his labors may be easily
filled out, for Eliot's worth has always been recognized and celebrated by all
New England histories from William Hubbard and Cotton Mather to Palfrey
and Edward Everett Hale. See also his life by Francis in Sparks's American
Biography, first series. His great distinction was his labor among the Indians,
crowned by his colossal work, the translation of the Bible into Indian (Cambridge,
1662, second edition, 1680). The Christian Commonwealth, which he wrote in
1660, was not approved, and he, although so much respected, was called sharply
to account for it. With that curious facility in retraction which one notices in
characters high and low, in John Cotton as well as John Underbill, he recanted
and was restored to favor. He had a savage animosity to the sin of wearing wigs,
sympathizing here with Cotton Mather, who writes, " for men to wear their hair
with luxurious, delicate, feminine prolixity, or to disfigure themselves with hair
which was not of their own, but above all for ministers of the gospel to ruffle it
in excesses of this kind," was an enormous sin. Eliot's prejudice against tobacco
was equally strong. In the list of our old worthies, he is as brave and persist-
ent as any, and especially marked by amiability among men so often repulsively
harsh. * 1646.
322 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1647
who, having a great raft of masts and planks (worth forty or
fifty pounds) to tow to Boston, would needs set forth about
noon the day before (it being impossible they could get to Bos-
ton before the fast;) but when they came at Castle Island,
there arose such a tempest, as carried away their raft, and
forced them to cut their mast to save their lives. Some of
their masts and planks they recovered after, where it had been
cast on shore ; but when they came with it to the Castle, they
were forced back again, and were so oft put back with contrary
winds, etc., as it was above a month before they could bring all
the remainder to Boston.
Prescott, another favorer of the petitioners, lost a horse and
his lading in Sudbury river; and a week after, his wife and
children, being upon another horse, were hardly saved from
drowning.
A woman of Charlestown having two daughters, aged under
fourteen, sent them to the tide-mill near by with a little com.
They delivered their corn at the mill, and returning back (they
dwelt towards Cambridge) they were not seen till three months
after, supposed to be carried away by the tide, which was then
above the marsh. This was 13 (11) (January 13).
(1.) (March.)] In the midst of this month a small pinnace
was set out for Barbados with [blank] persons and store of
provisions. It was her fii'st voyage, and 2 (3) (May 2) after
she was put on shore at Scituate, the goods in her, but not a
man, nor any of their clothes.
The merchants of Boston had set forth a small ship to trade
about the Gulf of Canada, and they had certificate under the
public seal to that end. They set sail from Boston the midst
of the (1) month (March), and by tempest were forced into an
harbor near Cape Sable, and having lost their boat, and forced
to let slip their cables, were driven on ground, and having staid
there about four days, Mr. D'Aulney having intelligence of
them, sent eighteen men by land, who finding eleven of ours on
shore, without weapons, surprised them, and after the ship,
1647] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 323
having but six men in her ; and being carried to Port Royal, he
examined them upon oath, whether they had traded, which
they had not done, only the merchant had received two beaver
skins, given him by the sachem; for which, (notwithstanding
he allowed their commission,) after he had kept them thi-ee
weeks prisoners, he kept their ship and goods to the value
of one thousand pounds, and sent them home in two shallops,
meanly provided, and without any lead [?], etc. This is more
fully set down after, fol. 99.
One [blank] of Windsor arraigned and executed at Hartford
for a witch.*
1647. 30 (3.) (May 30.)] In the evening there was heard
the report as of a great piece of ordnance. It was heard all over
the Bay, and all along to Yarmouth, etc., and there it seemed
as if it had been to the southward of them.
26.] The court of elections was at Boston. Great laboring
there had been by the friends of the petitioners to have one
chosen governor, who favored their cause, and some new mag-
istrates to have been chosen of their side ; but the mind of the
coimtry appeared clearly, for the old governor was chosen
again, with two or three hundred votes more than any other,
and no one new magistrate was chosen but only captain Robert
Bridges.
Captain Welde of Roxbury being dead, the young men of
the town agreed together to choose one George Denison,^ a
young soldier come lately out of the wars in England, which
the ancient and chief men of the town understanding, they
came together at the time appointed, and chose one Mr.
Prichard, a godly man and one of the chief in the town, passing
by their Heutenant, fearing least the young Denison would
^ Savage noted this as the first instance in New England of the witchcraft
delusion. The case is not mentioned by other historians.
^ George Dennison had imbibed in Cromwell's army, ideas and a spirit
which did not commend him to the Roxbury brethren, whose minister had been
the strict Thomas Welde, but he was a brave and active soldier, as was proved
in Philip's War.
324 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1647
have carried it from him, whereupon much discontent and
murmuring arose in the town. The young men were over
strongly bent to have their will, although their election was void
in law, (George Denison not being then a freeman,) and the
ancient men over- voted them above twenty, and the lieutenant
was discontented because he was neglected, etc. The cause
coming to the court, and all parties being heard, Mr. Prichard
was allowed, and the young men were pacified, and the lieu-
tenant.
4 (4.) {June 4.)] Canonicus, the great sachem of Narragan-
sett, died, a very old man.^
8. (4.) {June 8.)] The sjmod began again at Cambridge.
The next day Mr. Ezekiel Rogers of Rowley preached in the
forenoon, and the magistrates and deputies were present, and
in the afternoon Mr. Eliot preached to the Indians in their own
language before all the assembly. Mr. Rogers in his sermon
took occasion to speak of the petitioners, (then in question
before the court,) and exhorted the court to do justice upon
them, yet with desire of favor to such as had been drawn in,
etc., and should submit. He reproved also the practice of
private members making speeches in the church assemblies to
the disturbance and hindrance of the ordinances, also the call
for the reviving the ancient practice in England of children
asking their parents' blessing upon their knees, etc. Also he
reproved the great oppression in the country, etc., and other
things amiss, as long hair, etc. Divers were offended at his
zeal in some of these passages. Mr. Bradford, the governor of
Plymouth, was there as a messenger of the church of Plym-
outh. But the sickness (mentioned here in the next leaf)
prevailed so as divers of the members of the synod were
taken with it, whereupon they were forced to break up on the
sudden.
The success of Mr. Eliot's labors in preaching to the Indians
^ A faithful friend of the EngHsh who merited from the governor some ap-
preciative words.
1647] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 325
appears in a small book set forth by Mr. Shepherd and by other
observations in the country/
1646. 19, (1.) (March 19.)] One captain Dobson in a ship
of eighty tons, double manned and fitted for a man of war, was
set forth from Boston to trade to the eastward. Their testi-
monial was for the gulf of Canada. But being taken with
foul weather, and having lost their boat, they put into harbor
at Cape Sable, and there shooting ofT five or six pieces of ord-
nance, the Indians came aboard them, and traded some skins;
and withal Mr. D'Aulney had notice, and presently sent away
twenty men over land, (being about thirty miles from Port
Royal,) who lurking in the woods for their advantage, provi-
dence offered them a very fair one. For the ship, having
bought a shallop of the Indians, and being under sail, in the
mouth of the harbor, the wind came about southerly with such
violence, as forced them to an anchor; and having lost all their
anchors, they were forced on shore, yet without danger of ship-
wreck. Whereupon the master and merchant and most of the
company went on shore (leaving but six men aboard) and car-
ried no weapons with them, which the French perceiving, they
came upon them and bound them, and carried the master to
the ship's side, who commanded the men aboard to yield up the
ship. The French being possessed of the ship, carried her to
Port Royal, and left some of their company to conduct the rest
by land. WTien they came there, they were all imprisoned, and
examined apart upon oath, and having confessed that they had
traded, etc., the ship and cargo (being worth in all one thousand
poimds) was kept as confiscated, and the men were put into
two old shallops and sent home, and arrived at Boston 6 (3)
(May 6) 47. The merchants complained to the court for
' The reference is to Rev. Thomas Shepard's The Day-Breaking if not the
Sun-Rising of the Gospell with the Indians in New England (London, 1647),
reprinted in 1865, and in Old South Leaflets, no. 143, or to his The Clear Sun-
Shine of the Gospel breaking forth upon the Indians in New England (1648), re-
printed 1834, 1865; and perhaps also to a preceding anonymous tract, New
England's First Fruits (London, 1643), reprinted 1865.
326 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1G47
redress, and offered to set forth a good ship, to deal with some
of D'Aulney's vessels, but the court thought it not safe nor
expedient for us to begin a war with the French ; nor could we
charge any manifest wrong upon D'Aulney, seeing we had told
him, that if ours did trade within his liberties, they should do it
at their own peril. And though we judged it an injury to
restrain the natives and others from trading, etc., (they being
a free people,) yet, it being a common practice of all civil
nations, his seizure of our ship would be accounted lawful, and
our letters of reprisal unjust. And besides there appeared an
over-ruling providence in it, otherwise he could not have seized
a ship so well fitted, nor could wise men have lost her so fool-
ishly.
At Concord a bullock was killed which had in his maw a
ten shilling piece of Enghsh gold, and yet it could not be
known that any had lost it.
A barn at Salem was set on fire with lightning, and all the
corn and hay consumed suddenly. It fell upon the thatch in
the breadth of a sheet, in the view of people.
(4.) (June.)] An epidemical sickness was through the
country among Indians and EngUsh, French and Dutch. It
took them Hke a cold, and a hght fever with it. Such as bled or
used cooUng drinks died; those who took comfortable things,
for most part recovered, and that in few days. Wherein a
special providence of God appeared, for not a family, nor but
few persons escaping it, had it brought all so weak as it did
some, and continued so long, our hay and com had been lost
for want of help ; but such was the mercy of God to his people,
as few died, not above forty or fifty in the Massachusetts, and
near as many at Connecticut. But that which made the stroke
more sensible and grievous, both to them and to all the country,
was the death of that faithful servant of the Lord, Mr. Thomas
Hooker, pastor of the church in Hartford, who, for piety, pru-
dence, wisdom, zeal, learning, and what else might make him
serviceable in the place and time he lived in, might be com-
1647] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 327
pared with men of greatest note; and he shall need no other
praise : the fruits of his labors in both Englands shall preserve
an honorable and happy remembrance of him forever/
14, (4.) {June 14.)] In this sickness the governor's wife,
daughter of Sir John Tindal, Knight, left this world for a better,
being about fifty-six years of age : a woman of singular virtue,
prudence, modesty, and piety, and specially beloved and
honored of all the country.^
The meeting of the commissioners of the colonies should, in
course, have been at Plymouth in the sixth month next, but
upon special occasion of the Indians there was a meeting ap-
pointed at Boston [6ZanA;] which continued to the 17 (6) (August
17) next. The chief occasion was, that Ninicraft,^ the sachem
of Niantick, had professed his desire to be reconciled to the
English, etc., and that many Indians would complain of
Uncas and his brother their falsehood and cruelty, etc., if they
might come to Boston to be heard there.
The general court made an order, that all elections of gov-
ernor, etc., should be by papers deUvered in to the deputies
before the court, as it was before permitted. This was dis-
liked by the freemen, and divers of the new towns petitioned
for the repeal of it, as an infringement of their liberties; for
when they consented to send their deputies with full power,
etc., they reserved to themselves matter of election, as appears
by the record of the court [blank]. Upon these petitions the
said order was repealed, and it was referred to the next court
*The judgment of posterity bears out this warm contemporary tribute.
In courage, humanity and wisdom the founder of Connecticut stands among the
best men of his time.
^The virtues of Margaret Winthrop, the governor's third wife, are richly
attested. She received the esteem of all, and her husband's affection was pro-
found. Her letters still extant (see R. C. Winthrop, Life of John Winthrop)
while over-unctuous with the inevitable effusive piety of the age, at the same
time show the helpful, sweet-hearted woman. She has been made in our own
day the subject of an attractive memoir by Mrs. Earle.
^ Often spelt Ninigret, reported to have saved on one occasion the life of John
Winthrop, jr., whose descendants possess a portrait of the sachem.
328 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1647
of elections to consider of a meet way for ordering elections,
to the satisfaction of the petitioners and the rest of the free-
men. But that com-t being full of business, and breaking up
suddenly, it was put off farther.
In the depth of winter, in a very tempestuous night, the fort
at Saybrook was set on fire, and all the buildings within the pal-
isado, with all the goods, etc., were burnt down, captain Mason,
his wife, and children, hardly saved. The loss was estimated
at one thousand pounds, and not known how the fire came.
Captain Bridges house at Lynn burnt down 27 (2) 48.^
At Newfoundland, towards the end of the fishing season,
there was a great hiracano in the night, which caused a great
wreck of ships and boats, and much fish blown off the shore
into the sea. Some small vessels we had there, but through
mercy none of them miscarried.
The United Colonies having made strict orders to restrain all
trade of powder and guns to the Indians, by occasion whereof
the greatest part of the beaver trade was drawn to the French
and Dutch, by whom the Indians were constantly furnished
with those things, though they also made profession of like
restraint, but connived at the practice, so as our means of
returns for Enghsh commodities were grown very short, it
pleased the Lord to open to us a trade with Barbados and
other Islands in the West Indies, which as it proved gainful, so
the commodities we had in exchange there for our cattle and
provisions, as sugar, cotton, tobacco, and indigo, were a good
help to discharge our engagements in England. And this
summer there was so great a drouth, as their potatoes and corn,
etc., were burnt up; and divers London sliips which rode there
were so short of provisions as, if our vessels had not supplied
them, they could not have returned home; which was an ob-
servable providence, that whereas many of the London seamen
were wont to despise New England as a poor, barren country,
should now be reheved by our plenty.
1 April 27, 1648.
1647] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 329
After the great dearth of victuals in these islands followed
presently a great mortahty, (whether it were the plague, or
pestilent fever, it killed in three days,) that in Barbados there
died six thousand, and in Christophers, of English and French,
near as many, and in other islands proportionable. The report
of this coming to us, by a vessel which came from Fayal, the
court published an order, that all vessels, which should come
from the West Indies, should stay at the castle, and not
come on shore, nor put any goods on shore, without license
of three of the council, on pain of one hundred pounds, nor
any to go aboard, etc., except they continued there, etc., on
like penalty. The like order was sent to Salem and other haven
towns. ^
But one goodman Dell of Boston, coming from Christophers
in a small pinnace, and being put in to Gloucester, and there
forbidden to land, and informed of the order of court, yet
coming into the Bay, and being hailed by the Castle boat,
and after by the captain of the Castle, denied that he came from
the West Indies, and having taken in three fishermen (whom
the captain knew) who joined with him in the same lie, they
were let pass, and so came on shore at Boston, before it was
known. But such of the council as were near assembled the
next day, and sent for some of the company, and upon examina-
tion finding that the sickness had been ceased at Christophers
three months before they came forth, so as there could be no
danger of infection in their persons, they gave them liberty to
continue on shore; but for cotton and such goods as might
retain the infection, they ordered them to be laid in an house
remote, and for Dell, he was bound over to the next court to
answer his contempt.
About fourteen days after a ship came from Malago, which
had staid nine days at Barbados. She was stopped at the
Castle. The captain brought the master and two others to
Boston (which he ought not to have done). Four magistrates
' An early instance of quarantine in English America.
330 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1647
examined them upon oath, and finding they were all well, save
two, (who had the flux,) and no goods from Barbados but
three bags of cotton, which were ordered to be landed, etc., at
an island, the ship was suffered to come up, but none to come
on shore for a week after, etc.
4. (6). (August 4.)] There was a great marriage to be sol-
emnized at Boston. The bridegroom being of Hingham, Mr.
Hubbard's church, he was procured to preach, and came to
Boston to that end. But the magistrates, hearing of it, sent
to him to forbear. The reasons were, 1. for that his spirit
had been discovered to be averse to our ecclesiastical and civil
government, and he was a bold man, and would speak his mind,
2. we were not willing to bring in the English custom of minis-
ters performing the solemnity of marriage, which sermons at
such times might induce, but if any ministers were present, and
would bestow a word of exhortation, etc., it was permitted.
The new governor of the Dutch, called Peter Stevesant,
being arrived at the Monados,* sent his secretary to Boston with
letters to the governor, with tender of all courtesy and good
correspondency, but withal taking notice of the differences be-
tween them and Connecticut, and offering to have them referred
to friends here, not to determine, but to prepare for a hearing
and determination in Europe ; in which letter he lays claim to
all between Connecticut and Delaware. The commissioners
being assembled at Boston, the governor acquainted them
with the letter; and it was put to consideration what answer
to return. Some advised, that seeing he made profession of
much good will and desire of all neighborly correspondency,
we should seek to gain upon him by courtesy, and therefore to
accept his offer, and to tender him a visit at his own home, or
a meeting at any of our towns where he should choose. But
the commissioners of those parts thought otherwise, supposing
it would be more to their advantage to stand upon terms of
distance, etc. And answer was returned accordingly, only tak-
^ Petrus Stuyvesant arrived at Manhattan in May, 1647.
1647] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 331
ing notice of his offer, and showing our readiness to give him a
meeting in time and place convenient. So matters continued
as they were.
26. (7). {September 26.)] But it appeared, that a Dutch ship
from Holland, being in the harbor at New Haven, (where they
had traded about a month,) was surprised by the Dutch gov-
ernor and carried to the Monhados. The manner was thus:
The merchants of New Haven had bought a sliip at the Mon-
hados, wliich was to be delivered at New Haven. In her the
Dutch governor put a company of soldiers, who, being imder
decks when the ship came into New Haven, took their oppor-
tunity afterward, upon the Lord's day, to seize the Dutch ship,
and having the wind fair, carried her away. The governor of
New Haven complained of the injury to the Dutch governor,
and made a protest, etc. The Dutch governor justified the act
by examples of the Hke in Europe, etc., but especially by
claiming the place and so all along the seacoast to Cape Codd.
He pretended to seize the ship as forfeit to the West India
Company, by trading in their limits without leave or recogni-
tion. It fell out at the same time, that three of the Dutch
governor's servants fled from him and came to New Haven,
and being pursued, were there apprehended and put in prison.
The Dutch governor writes to have them delivered to him, but
directs his letter to New Haven in New Netherlands. Upon
this the governor of New Haven refused to deliver them, and
writes back to the Dutch, maintaining their right to the place,
both by patent from King James, and also by purchase from
the natives, and by quiet possession and improvement many
years. He wrote also to the governor of the Massachusetts,
acquainting him with all that had passed, and desired advice.
These letters coming to Boston about the time of the general
court, he acquainted the court with them, and a letter was
drawn and sent (as from the court) to this purpose, to the
Dutch governor, viz. that we were very sorry for the difference
which was fallen out between him and our confederates of
332 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1647
New Haven ; that we might not withhold assistance from them,
in case of any injurious violence offered to them; that we ac-
counted their title to the place they possessed to be as good as
the Dutch had to the Monhados ; that we would willingly inter-
pose for a friendly reconciliation ; and that we would write to
New Haven to persuade the delivery of the fugitives, etc. We
wrote also to the governor of New Haven to the same purpose,
intimating to him that at our request he might dehver the fugi-
tives without prejudice to their right or reputation. But this
notwithstanding, they detained the fugitives still, nor would
send our letter to the Dutch governor; whereupon he made
proclamation of free liberty for all servants, etc., of New
Haven within his jurisdiction, and wrote to the governor of
the Massachusetts, blaming the practice in the general, but ex-
cusing it in his particular case, as being enforced thereto, etc.
This course not prevailing, about the end of winter he wrote
privately to the fugitives, and the minister of their church
wrote also, whereby he gave such assurance to the fugitives,
both of pardon of what was passed, and satisfaction otherwise,
as they made an escape and returned home. So that it then
appeared, that the advice sent from Boston had been better to
have been put in practice in season, than their own judgment,
in pursuit whereof this reproach and damage befel them.
(1.) (March.)] After this the Dutch governor writes to
our governor in Dutch, complaining of injuries from the gov-
ernor of New Haven, (calling him the pretended governor, etc.,)
particularly for wronging his reputation by slanderous reports,
and proffers to refer all differences (as formerly he had done)
to the two governors of the Massachusetts and Plymouth, Mr.
Winthrop and Mr. Bradford, by name, and professing all good
neighborhood to all the rest of the colonies, with some kind of
retractation of his former claim to New Haven, etc., as if all
claim by word or writing, protests, etc., were of no value, so
long as there is no invasion by force.
The governor of New Haven, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, he
1647] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 333
writes also about the same time, complaining of the Dutch
governor, and informing of Indian intelligence of the Dutch
his animating the natives to war upon the English, and of
the excessive customs and other ill usage of our vessels ar-
riving there, propounding withal a prohibition of all trade
with the Dutch until satisfaction were given. These letters
being imparted 15 (1) (March 15) to the general court at Bos-
ton, they thought the matter more weighty and general to the
concernment of all the country, than that any thing should
then be determined about it, and more fit for the commissioners
first to consider of, etc., and retm'ned answer to New Haven
accordingly. See after 115.^
About this time we had intelligence of an observable hand
of God against the Dutch at New Netherlands, which though it
were sadly to be lamented in regard of the calamity, yet there
appeared in it so much of God in favor of his poor people here,
and displeasure towards such as have opposed and injured them,
as is not to be passed by without due observation and acknowl-
edgment. The late governor, Mr. William Kieft, (a sober
and prudent man,) though he abstained from outward force,
yet had continually molested the colonies of Hartford and New
Haven, and used menacings and protests against them, upon
all occasions, and had burnt down a trading house which New
Haven had built upon Delaware river, and went for Holland in
a ship of 400 tons, well manned and richly laden, to the value
(as was supposed) of twenty thousand pounds, and carried
away with him two of our people under censure, (the one con-
demned for rape,) though we pursued them, etc. But in their
passage in the (8th) month (October), the ship, mistaking the
channel, was carried into Severn, and cast away upon the coast
of Wales near Swansey, the governor and eighty other persons
drowned, and some twenty saved.
Complaint had been made to the commissioners of the colo-
nies, at their last meeting, by Pumham and Sacononoco,
* P. 342 of this edition.
334 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1647
against the Gortonists (who were now returned to Shaomett,
and had named it Warwick) for eating up all their corn with
their cattle, etc. It was left to our commissioners, who wrote
to some in those parts to view the damages, and require satis-
faction. But Mr. Coggeshall (who died soon after) and
other of their magistrates of Rhode Island, came to Shaomett,
and gave the praisers a warrant imder their hands and one
of their seals, forbidding them or any other to intermeddle,
etc., pretending it to be within their jurisdiction, whereupon the
men returned, and did nothing. And upon another warrant
from the president, in the name of the commissioners, there
was nothing done neither; so as the poor Indians were in dan-
ger to be starved, etc. Upon their farther complaints to us, the
general court in the (1) month (il/arc/i) sent three messengers to
demand satisfaction for the Indians, and for other wrongs to
some English there, and to command them to depart the place,
as belonging to us, etc. They used our messengers with more
respect than formerly, but gave no satisfaction, bearing them-
selves upon their charter, etc. We could do no more at present,
but we procured the Indians some com in the mean time.
In the agitation of this matter in the general court, some
moved to have an order (upon refusal of satisfaction, etc.) to
send forces presently against them ; but others thought better
to forbear any resolution until the return of our messengers,
and the rather because we expected our agent out of England
shortly, by whom we should know more of the success of our
petition to the parhament, etc., it being very probable, that
their charter would be called in, as illegal, etc., and this coun-
sel prevailed.
It may be now seasonable to set down what success it
pleased the Lord to give Mr. Winslow, our agent, with the par-
liament.
Mr. Winslow set sail from Boston about the middle of lOber.
(December), 1646, and carried such commissions, instructions,
etc., as are before mentioned. Upon his arrival in England,
164 7J JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 335
and delivery of his letters to the Earl of Warwick, Sir Henry
Vane, etc., from the governor, he had a day appointed for
audience before the committee, and Gorton and other of his
company appeared also to justify their petition and informa-
tion, which they had formerly exhibited against the court, etc.,
for making war upon them, and keeping them prisoners, etc.
But after that our agent had showed the two letters they wrote
to us from Shaomett, and the testimony of the court, and some
of the elders, concerning their blasphemous heresies and other
miscarriages, it pleased the Lord to bring about the hearts of
the committees, so as they discerned of Gorton, etc., what they
were and of the justice of our proceedings against them ; only
they were not satisfied in this, that they were not within our
jurisdiction, etc., to which our agent pleaded tw^o things, 1. that
they were within the jurisdiction of Plymouth or Connecticut,
and so the orders of the commissioners of the United Colonies
had left them to us, 2. the Indians (upon whose lands they
dwelt) had subjected themselves and their land to our govern-
ment. Whereupon the committee made this order following,
which they directed in form of a letter to Massachusetts,
Plymouth, and Connecticut, (one to each) viz.
After our hearty commendations.
In our late letter of 25 May, etc., we imparted how far we had pro-
ceeded upon the petition of Mr. Gorton and Mr. Holden, etc. We did
by our said letter declare our tenderness of your just privileges, and of
preserving entire the authority and jurisdiction of the several governments
in New England, whereof we shall still express our continued care. We
have since that taken further consideration of the petition, and spent
some time in hearing both parties, concerning the bounds of those patents
under which yourselves and the other governments do claim, to the end
we might receive satisfaction, whether Shaomett and the rest of the tract
of land, pretended to by the petitioners, be actually included within any
of your limits. In which point (being matter of fact) we could not, at
this distance, give a resolution, and therefore leave that matter to be
examined and determined upon the place, if there shall be occasion, for
that the boundaries will be there best known and distinguished. And if
336 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1647
it shall appear, that the said tract is within the limits of any of the New
England patents, we shall leave the same, and the inhabitants thereof
to the proper jurisdiction of that government under which they fall.
Nevertheless, for that the petitioners have transplanted their families
thither, and there settled their residences at a great charge, we commend
it to the government, within whose jurisdiction they shall appear to be,
(as our only desire at present in this matter,) not only not to remove them
from their plantations, but also to encourage them, with protection and
assistance, in all fit ways; provided that they demean themselves peace-
ably, and not endanger any of the English colonies by a prejudicial corre-
spondency with the Indians, or otherwise, wherein if they shall be found
faulty, we leave them to be proceeded with according to justice. To
this purpose we have also written our letters of this tenor to the govern-
ments of New Plymouth and Connecticut, hoping that a friendly com-
pliance will engage these persons to an inoffensive order and conformity,
and so become an act of greater conquest, honor, and contentment to you
all, than the scattering or reducing of them by an hand of power. And
so, not doubting of your concurrence with this desire, as there shall be
occasion, we commend you to the grace of Christ, resting
Your very affectionate friends.
From the Committee, Warwick, Gov'r. and Admiral,
etc. 22 of July, 1647. Pembroke and Montgomery,
Manchester,
Arth. Heselrige,
John Rolle,
Hen. Mildmay,
Geo. Fenwick,
Wm. Purefoy,
Rich. Salway,
Miles Corbet,
Cor. Holland,
Geo. Snelling.
The first letter from the committee after Mr. Winslow had
delivered our petition and remonstrance, which should have
been inserted before the former.
After our hearty commendations, etc.
By our letter of May 15, 1646, we communicated to you our reception
of a complaint from Mr. Gorton and Mr. Holden, etc., touching some
1647] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 337
proceedings tried against them by your government. We also imparted
to you our resolutions (grounded upon certain reasons set forth in our
said letter) for their residing upon Shaomett, and the other parts of that
tract of land, which is mentioned in a charter of civil incorporation here-
tofore granted them by us, praying and requiring you to permit the same
accordingly, without extending your jurisdiction to any part thereof, or
disquieting them in their civil peace, or otherwise interrupting them in
their possession, until we should receive your answer to the same in point
of title, and thereupon give further order. We have since received a
petition and remonstrance from you by your commissioner, Mr. Winslow,
and though we have not yet entered into a particular consideration of the
matter, yet we do, in the general, take notice of your respect, as well to
the parliament's authority, as your own just pri\'ileges, and find cause to
be further confirmed in our former opinion and knowledge of your pru-
dence and faithfulness to God and his cause. And perceiving by your
petition, that some persons do take advantage, from our said letter, to
decline and question your jurisdiction, and to pretend a general liberty to
appeal hither, upon their being called in question before you for matters
proper to your cognizance, we thought it necessary (for preventing of
further inconveniences in this kind) hereby to declare, that we intended
not thereby to encourage any appeals from your justice, nor to restrain
the bounds of your jurisdiction to a narrower compass than is held forth
by your letters patent, but to leave you with all that freedom and latitude
that may, in any respect, be duly claimed by you; knowing that the limit-
ing of you in that kind may be very prejudicial (if not destructive) to the
government and public peace of the colony. For your further satisfac-
tion wherein, you may remember, that our said resolution took rise from
an admittance, that the Narragansett Bay (the thing in question) was
wholly without the bounds of your patent, the examination whereof will,
in the next place, come before us. In the mean time we have received
advertisement, that the place is within the patent of New Plymouth, and
that the grounds of your proceedings against the complainants was a
joint authority from the four governments of Massachusetts, Plymouth,
Connecticut, and New Haven, which if it falls in upon proof, will much
alter the state of the question.
And whereas our said direction extended not only to yourselves, but
also to all the other governments and plantations in New England, whom
it might concern, we declare, that we intended thereby no prejudice to
any of their just rights, nor the countenancing of any practice to violate
them ; and that we shall for the future be very ready to give our encourage-
ment and assistance in all your endeavors for settling of your peace and
338 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1647
government, and the advancement of the gospel of Jesus Christ, to whose
blessing we commend your persons and affairs.
Your very loving friends.
From the committee of Lords and Warwick, Gov*r. and Admiral,
Commons, etc., 25 May, 1647. Bas. Denbigh,
Edw. Manchester,
Wm. Say and Seale,
Fr. Dacre,
Wm. Waller,
Arthur Heselrige,
Miles Corbet,
Fr. Allen,
Wm. Purefoy,
Geo. Fenwick,
Cor. Holland.
The committee having thus declared themselves to have an
honorable regard of us and care to promote the welfare of the
four United Colonies and other EngUsh plantations to the east-
ward, (for they had confirmed Mr. Rigby his patent of Ligonia,
and by their favorable interpretation of it had brought it to the
sea-side, whereas the words of the grant laid it twenty miles
short, and had put Sir Ferdinando Gorge out of all as far as
Saco,) our agent proceeded to have the charter (which they had
lately granted to those of Rhode Island and Providence) to
be called in, as lying within the patent of Plymouth or Con-
necticut.*
* The colony had reason to be satisfied with the work of Winslow. Ligonia
was the Plough Patent, of the fortunes of which we have several times read.
Though Gorton and his followers were dispossessed at Warwick, we are not to
understand from the misleading language of the paragraph that Providence and
Newport were disturbed.
1648
1648. 10, (3.) {May 10.)] The court of elections was at
Boston. Mr. Symmes, pastor of Charlestown, preached. Mr.
Winthrop was chosen governor again, and Mr. Dudley, deputy
governor, Mr. Endecott, sergeant major, and he and Mr.
Bradstreet, commissioners, etc.
(3.) Here arrived three ships from London in one day. By
the passengers we understood, as also by letters from Mr. Wins-
low, etc., how the hopes and endeavors of Dr. Child and other
the petitioners, etc., had been blasted by the special providence
of the Lord, who still wrought for us. Dr. Child had a brother,
a major of a regiment in Kent, who, being set on by his brother
and William Vassall, (who went from Scituate to petition
against the country, etc.) set out a pamphlet, wherein he pub-
lished their petition, exhibited to our general court, and other
proceedings of the court. This was answered by Mr. Winslow
in a book, entitled the Salamander, (pointing therein at Mr.
Vassall, a man never at rest, but when he was in the fire of
contention,) wherein he cleared the justice of our proceedings.*
As for those who went over to procure us trouble, God met
with them all. Mr. Vassall, finding no entertainment for his
petitions, went to Barbados.
Dr. Child preferred a petition to the committee against us,
and put in Mr. Thomas Fowle his name among others ; but he,
hearing of it, protested against it, (for God had brought him
very low, both in his estate and in his reputation, since he
* The two publications referred to are Major John Child's New England's
Jonas cast up at London, and Winslow's New England's Salamander Discovered.
Both were published at London in 1647, and both were reprinted in the Collections
of the Massachusetts Historical Society, the former in second series, IV,, the latter
in third series, II.
339
340 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1648
joined in the first petition). After this the Doctor, meeting
with Mr. Willoughby* upon the exchange, (this Mr. Willoughby
dwelt at Charlestown, but his father was a colonel of the city,)
and falling in talk about New England, the Doctor railed
against the people, saying they were a company of rogues and
knaves; Mr. Willoughby answered, that he who spake so, etc.,
was a knave, whereupon the Doctor gave him a box on the ear.
Mr. Willoughby was ready to have closed with him, etc., but
being upon the exchange, he was stayed, but presently ar-
rested him. And when the Doctor saw the danger he was in,
he employed some friends to make his peace, who ordered him
to give five pounds to the poor of New England, (for Mr.
Willoughby would have nothing of him,) and to give Mr.
Willoughby open satisfaction in the full exchange, and to give
it under his hand, never to speak evil of New England men after,
nor to occasion any trouble to the country, or to any of the
people, all which he gladly performed ; and besides God had so
blasted his estate, as he was quite broken, etc.
Samuel Gorton arrived here. The court, being informed of
it, made an order that he should be apprehended, etc., but he
sending us the Earl of Warwick's letter, desiring only that he
might have liberty to pass home, the court recalled their former
order, and gave him a week's liberty to provide for his depart-
ure. This was much opposed by some; but the most consid-
ered, that, it being only at the Earl's request, (no command,)
it could be no prejudice to our liberty, and our commissioner
being still attending the parliament, it might much have disad-
vantaged our cause and his expedition, if the Earl should have
heard that we had denied him so small a request. Yet it was
carried only by a casting voice.
The Gortonists of Shaomett, hearing how matters were like
to go against them in England, and [illegible] by Aquiday,
* Francis Willoughby returning to New England became a much respected
citizen, attaining the office of deputy-governor, and at the Restoration strongly
opposing the exercise of the royal prerogative.
p
MDCXLIX. ,-
r yi CHRONOLOG1Cj4LT4BLE
t tffime ftw mcmerat/le '■
'1 tccUrroKcs. . '
-s-f
T
HF (Tovemcur .-nj Af^Ojip.M-mvcd, l-rinfJiTl;
Uf then- ftir P„tent . wh'ch wjs gr, imtci! ro t bJ?^|
Colanie fvir: Maflathufetsl Ijy J Honour^ We
« Ifiac Juhnronf/:.-onc<.foorM,£i9r.-tM .aGcnd
rr.anerrincnrfi.rpic'rY^Cvirroc.'.Iei'eaf'ot. -^ -
I' y Seafon Mcftjpnivcsof pfOvifionsfroinCngijnd*
\\
icby
Thctinic(;fgre,tfc^.v.., ,
A orcatt> finalitic anoneft rhc In^lKini'bvthefni^UI J
r-s whf rr f Chickatabut iachcro of Njponfct Jycd, as | •
nifi. ].it,n«c Ijme»S'j!.inore». , *
6 » >;? S.n-.uclSkcltoii Pidor 10 the Church at Stlcm
■ AgrcitHir-cM , wherln ib. ^«tHepe of 400
WJSjrivi-n.MillinreatMr. Haiiohs. . I
I Mr. Tohn Oldham m.ir.ler-d in hij 8.rt ^v 5 I:i
of Block-IfUn:! , who wEn-fiirprlM.l ill ■« fimc h.u
!i;lnG Hop, broHjh! thither (t infthis r^T"'''-''
j > treaty i^ [Jcac-lr concluJcJ vaih Mi ir.toniir.uh.
. Jhc 11 tlt.crc at Wi;thets6c:lu by the rc-VK-tS--
i Miftick Fort t ken and the Tcquuts iiain *n4 biirm
it>ythcli;|lilhi..i{Rivcr. ■ • - '
Fiock-Tfl nJCtib/iieJ :'nJn.aJc tributary.
1 ThcfiiftSynoJat C.imbri^igc.-
I Mrs. HmcbinfonSc her errors banifl'xJ.
Thierc.tandgL-nerjll Earth-tju.Kc.
A vit^cnt ten^p'.-ft which brake Jowi:c rhe '
*i Cbarlftown. & c;^u)cei two floOils Sn lix'hov;' ^ ^
yi4 JohnHjTvtT.i nufterofArfj,ofEitut^arnd C^V . ,
, ;_ r ..u.M... -.-.-.f .,1: Jj 1,^ willpCe the h.-if Jflii^
Btcdto abvltC-jot^fpuniii) ftirthii
6 3
,«:
■n>!c-Kil :
!-..Cjiibriti«L',d
' tftatc < which 1...
! crcttiFgbfrhcColicr'gc. . *i
Si 17 Wr.Rog^tBirkfienJi;nonc.or*uf!*giftr^te5 *6u|
..^t-ffsrsofige, J man offmgularpK'ty ji4f nr Titii-
■aycd.
!^.
ithertemifcft, which threw JownT<5n-i;tr -(^rSi ;. _
whirn ;tble»atSoiitl«riyftcisj rivo?;-'
til fuot^bo\'frrhcmed*nv«».«' j^^^?*
hrthroii^hoiitihe^oimy . -^ T^-
licon'piies.g.iiiftthi.E ilh. '»„
V-ftit^l "■
Vear.M
«S43
1 164? 'in
MDCXLIX
Pafcit2<jnL fubmiiced to our GoTenimeniP.
This winter five weeks tcgcrlier CharJC-Rix-v wj^
falTibcup'inrhcicc,
In.i,,>iis to cuti oft all the tngUm, If
ThiJ year IcvcralweiJ-aff. ace pction* I'v: G.i-.iIl
in Vii^inij. fcnt to us foi (ome to iliip«t* iUl Woryi
6oJtuthem.
Wr. Toir.pron jnd Mr. Knowles were fct- .
y Another n-ithuu.ke on thcX,oic»(lay tiKirnJiw
The fonr £r^riu.Co!onie» *.tl- MajUchiii;;,* pij
rroHtli, Connecticut 6c New-haven. wcrcnr.ijod.
i» I'n,iiham&; ^^cononocobacbt:rr.s , Uiboiirteuuiein-
fclve* 8c rhoii p opietothe £ng.iUi.
This fniniTier the Lord rem gr^^t fiocks o^ l-igeons.
which dcvuartdmoLh com.
Miiiuonimoh wjgciiig warr ■;§ jnftUocas. <9«ft(aJU:ii
and patio de^tth foi his irc,» htiu-,
S FtvcS chems , CBtchioukia^Mjireanonnet ,S4]B.tw-
Sachem. WiHamcfen tNci-.wjion fubcpiusa huem-
felvcs. their people fit i^n .» amous.
KCicoiuway the chief :>«cheiT upon Uerin.2Cft , flC
bisfon) C£muin ^'oiuntafiiT Aod.'Bbmitiadtuottr G9-
wcmmtnt .
\ The Nmowganfets bcjm to wa/r fiponUor js, in rc
Venijc ofMiamornmoh bi&tiv^h.
I Mi. George thillipj , hrft r«*oiir of J Ch»f ch a Wj
■tcr-townci^cd,
ijatf' TheNarrowgtiif«Sachirm», yeicWaftdMexm.. ..,
jfon of Connoniciis.co»clvt>u peace wirbihu* fcrtt.jfl-
Ukigivc4 oFthc chief uftnrirchiidren for Hoft aes.
"" Lord feoctTmitttHiinofCaRtvilursamonKftus,
tji3icbLdthoiow«af&ckk, like iicne<i acn> wd
fpuylcd much com.
Wr.Eliot b<s«ntoprc«chwf If4uii5 iathciiowec
Ad hpiieisicali faint ccogh throo^h the Countrf . )
Mr. Tho, Hooker Paftuorof theChntch jcHertfofd'
fted ffutn his Idboar? , 1
Mr. Gr-cnPittoorKMhe Charchar Reading, dj'wl. I
rk .*.^A.i*^ . fcfj occ. m. jt^^tidif^ oaci^tnuBc, A«i uJ
VINIS 1
A NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY, FROM "AN ALMANACK FOR 1649," BY SAMUEL DANFORTH
From the original copy in the New Yor k Public Library {Lenox Building)
1648] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 341
began to consider how they might make their peace with us,
and for that end sent two of their company to petition our gen-
eral com't, etc., but these messengers being come to Dedham,
and hearing that the court was adjourned, they came no
further ; but one of them wrote a letter to our governor, in this
tenor following: —
To the right worshipful Mr. John Winthrop, Governor of the Massa-
chusetts,
Humbly presented to your worship's consideration,
That whereas I, with another, was chosen by the general court held
at Providence the eighteenth of this month, and sent with an humble
request to this honorable state concerning Shaomett business, but when
we came at Dedham, hearing that the general court was adjourned, 1
your suppliant (being an inhabitant of Shaomett) seriously weighing my
present condition there, I made bold to advise with Mr. Powell* concern-
ing the same, who advised me to repair to your worship, which (on con-
sideration) I could not, till I had some knowledge of your worship's
favorable acceptation. My humble request therefore is, that your worship
would be pleased to send me your mind in a few lines concerning the
premises. So, craving your worship's favorable construction,
I remain,
Yours, most humbly,
RuFus Barton.
Dedham, May 22, 1648.
This year com was very scarce, and so it was in all countries
of Europe. Our scarcity came by occasion of our transporting
much to the West Indies, and the Portugal and Spanish
Islands. The magistrates sent out to have a survey of the
corn in the country, and finding it to fall very short, the next
general court made an order to prohibit transportation except
of such as should be brought in from other parts and such as
were sold before to be transported, etc. Yet this restraint
notwithstanding, etc., the price did not rise 12d. in the bushel,
* Michael Powell kept the ordinary, or tavern, at Dedham; but coming later
to Boston, was one of the founders and ruling elders of the Second Church.
342 WINTHROFS JOURNAL [1648
nor (through the good providence of the Lord) was the scarcity
much felt among the people.
Mr. Eaton having again moved the governor to know the
mind of the court touching the Dutch governor's proceedings,
the court appointed a committee to consider of it, (after the
court was adjourned,) and withal to consider of the articles of
confederation, and some of the commissioners' orders ; for there
was some murmuring among the people about the inequality
of some articles, as that we bearing more than half the charge
upon all occasions, etc., should yet have no more commissioners
than the smallest of the other, and that all charges should be
levied by the poll, considering how great a part of our people
were laborers and craftsmen, and of theirs the most were
farmers and well stocked, etc.
28, (3.) (May 28.)] Soon after the court was adjourned, the
governor received two letters from the Dutch governor, holding
forth much assurance of his sincere affection to a firm peace and
neighborly compliance with all the Enghsh, and that upon
these grounds, 1. our unity in the true religion, 2. the ancient
league between the two nations, 3. the community in danger,
in respect of the common enemy, both Spaniards and Indians,
4. the reconciUng former differences and preventing future, 5.
the benefit of a mutual league, both offensive and defensive,
against a common enemy; and offered to meet Mr. Bradford,
the governor of Plymouth, and Mr. Winthrop, the governor
of the Massachusetts, at Connecticut, at such time as we
should appoint, and to refer all to us.
The governor returned answer to him, of what gladness he
conceived in his forwardness to peace, and had no reason to
doubt of his cordial intentions, etc., promising to further the
meeting what lay in his power, etc.
There was some reason, why the Dutch governor's spirit
should begin to fall, both in regard of the weakness the state of
Holland (especially the West India Company) were fallen
into, (which was not the least occasion of their late peace
1648] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 343
with Spain,)* and also in respect of the doubts which he was
fallen into at this time, both from his own unruly people, and
also of their neighbor Indians, for neither would his people be
restrained from furnishing the Indians with guns, powder, etc.,
nor would the Indians endure to be without that trade; and
the great loss the company had sustained by late wreck of
three ships, and the old governor and many principal men
with him, made him doubtful of any great supply from Holland.
4. (4). {June 4.)] Here arrived one Sir Edmund Plowden,^
who had been in Virginia about seven years. He came first
with a patent of a county Palatine for Delaware Bay, but
wanting a pilot for that place, he went to Virginia and there
having lost the estate he brought over, and all his people
scattered from him, he came hither to retm-n to England for
supply, intending to return and plant Delaware, if he could get
sufficient strength to dispossess the Swedes.
This year a new way was found out to Connecticut, by
Nashoway, which avoided much of the hilly way.
The magistrates, being informed at a court of assistants that
four or five Indians, who Hved upon the spoil of their neighbors,
had murdered some Indians of Nipnett, who were subject to
this government, and robbed their wigwam, sent twenty men to
Nashoway to inquire of the truth of the matter, and to appre-
hend the murderers, if they could be found ; but being fled to
Narragansett, they returned, and informed us certainly of the
persons murdered, and of the actors, etc., which was of this
good use, (though they could not apprehend them,) that the
Indians saw our care of them, and readiness to protect them,
and revenge their wrongs.
'The United Provinces ended the "Eighty Years' War" with Spain by the
treaty of Miinster, January 30, 1648. The Dutch West India Company, whose
fortunes had fallen very low, was rechartered in 1647.
^ An unsuccessful adventurer who planned a large enterprise, and secured
in 1634 a patent from the crown of Ireland, making him "Earl Palatine of the
province of New Albion." Of the great feudal domain projected, nothing ever
came. Its history is fully related by Professor Gregory B. Keen in Winsor's
Narrative and Critical History of America, III. 457-468.
344 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1648
After this, two Indians, of Cutshamekin's procuring, offering
themselves to apprehend some of the murderers, we gave them
commission, and withal wrote to Mr. Pincheon to assist them, I
etc. (they being near Springfield). Mr. Pincheon offered his
assistance, but wrote to the governor, that the Indians mur-
dered, nor yet the murderers, were not our subjects, and withal
that it would endanger a war; whereupon the governor ad-
vising with the deputy, etc., wrote back presently to Mr.
Pincheon, that then he should proceed no further, but send
back the Indians, etc.
At this court one Margaret Jones of Charlestown was indict-
ed and found guilty of witchcraft, and hanged for it. The
evidence against her was, 1. that she was found to have such a
malignant touch, as many persons, (men, women, and children,)
whom she stroked or touched with any affection or displeasure,
or, etc., were taken with deafness, or vomiting, or other violent
pains or sickness, 2. she practising physic, and her medicines
being such things as (by her own confession) were harmless, as
aniseed, liquors, etc., yet had extraordinary violent effects, 3.
she would use to tell such as would not make use of her physic,
that they would never be healed, and accordingly their diseases
and hurts continued, with relapse against the ordinary course,
and beyond the apprehension of all physicians and sm*geons, 4.
some things which she foretold came to pass accordingly ; other
things she could tell of (as secret speeches, etc.) which she had
no ordinary means to come to the knowledge of, 5. she had
(upon search) an apparent teat in her secret parts as fresh as if
it had been newly sucked, and after it had been scanned, upon
a forced search, that was withered, and another began on the
opposite side, 6. in the prison, in the clear day-hght, there was
seen in her arms, she sitting on the floor, and her clothes up,
etc., a httle child, which ran from her into another room, and
the officer following it, it was vanished. The hke child was
seen in two other places, to which she had relation; and one
maid that saw it, fell sick upon it, and was cured by the said
1648] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 345
Margaret, who used means to be employed to that end. Her
behavior at her trial was very intemperate, lying notoriously,
and railing upon the jury and witnesses, etc., and in the like
distemper she died. The same day and hour she was executed,
there was a very great tempest at Connecticut, which blew
down many trees, etc.
4. {June.)] The wife of one WiUip of Exeter was found in
the river dead, her neck broken, her tongue black and swollen
out of her mouth, and the blood settled in her face, the privy
parts swollen, etc., as if she had been much abused, etc.
A vessel of Connecticut being the last winter at Quorasoe,*
in the possession of the Dutch, found there a negro, who had
lost his legs, and had been sent thither out of Holland to
perform such service to the governor, etc., as he was fit for
(having been trained up to some learning in Holland). This
man had attained to some good savor of religion, so as he grew
weary of the Dutch of the island, who were very debauched,
(only one man he found some piety in,) and there being some
Indians in the island, he acquainted himself with them, and
having attained some skill in their language, he began to in-
struct them and their children in the knowledge of God, etc.,
and the Lord so blessed his endeavors, as the Indians began to
hearken to him, and yielded themselves to be taught at certain
times which this negro appointed. This negro told the master
of the English vessel, one Bull, a godly and discreet man, of all
his proceedings, and what comfort he had in that one godly
Dutchman, saying that he never was in his company but he
found Jesus Christ warming him at the heart. He inquired of
Bull about New England and our rehgion and churches, and
asked if we were of those Christians, who advanced the doctrine
of merits, etc., and much rejoiced when he heard the truth of
our doctrine, etc., and showed himself very desirous to see New
England ; and so he left him at that time.
28.] The Welcome, of Boston, about 300 tons, riding before
* Curayao.
346 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1648
Charlestown, having in her eighty horses and 120 tons of ballast,
in calm weather, fell a rolUng, and continued so about twelve
hours, so as though they brought a great weight to the one
side, yet she would heel to the other, and so deep as they feared
her foundering. It was then the time of the county court at
Boston, and the magistrates hearing of it, and withal that one
Jones (the husband of the witch lately executed) had desired to
have passage in her to Barbados, and could not have it without
such payment, etc., they sent the officer presently with a war-
rant to apprehend him, one of them saying that the ship would
stand still as soon as he was in prison. And as the officer went,
and was passing over the ferry, one said to him, you can tame
men sometimes, can't you tame this ship? The officer an-
swered, I have that here, that (it may be) will tame her, and
make her be quiet ; and with that showed his warrant. And at
the same instant, she began to stop and presently staid, and
after he was put in prison, moved no more.
There appeared over the harbor at New Haven, in the
evening, the form of the keel of a ship with three masts, to
which were suddenly added all the tackling and sails, and
presently after, upon the top of the poop, a man standing with
one hand akimbo under his left side, and in his right hand a
sword stretched out toward the sea. Then from the side of
the ship which was from the town arose a great smoke, which
covered all the ship, and in that smoke she vanished away; but
some saw her keel sink into the water. This was seen by
many, men and women, and it continued about a quarter of an
hour.^
Divers letters passed between our governor and the Dutch
governor about a meeting for reconciling the differences
between our confederates of New Haven, etc., and him.
But Mr. Bradford, the governor of Plymouth, (being one of the
^ The spectral ship of New Haven, the tradition of which was taken up and
characteristically developed by Cotton Mather, is one of the most weird of New
England legends, and has become very familiar to the later generations.
1G48] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 347
two whom the Dutch governor desired to refer the differences
unto, being sent unto about it, came to Boston, and there
excused himself, by bodily infii-mities and other reasons, that
he could not go to Hartford that summer, but promised (the
Lord assisting) to prepare against the middle of the (4) {June)
next summer. So the governor (Mr. Hopkins being then also
at Boston) despatched away letters presently to the Dutch
governor to certify him thereof, who returned answer soon
after, that he was very sorry the meeting did not hold, and
professed his earnest inclination to peace, and that he never
had any thought of war, and desired that in the mean time all
things might remain as they were, neither encroaching upon
others' pretended hmits, desiring withal that he might meet the
commissioners of the colonies also to treat with them about
the Indian trade, which was much abused, etc.
15. (6.) {August 15.)] The synod met at Cambridge by ad-
journment from the (4) {June) last. Mr. Allen of Dedham
preached out of Acts 15, a very godly, learned, and particular
handling of near all the doctrines and applications concerning
that subject with a clear discovery and refutation of such
errors, objections, and scruples as had been raised about it by
some young heads in the country.
It fell out, about the midst of his sermon, there came a snake
into the seat, where many of the elders sate behind the preacher.
It came in at the door where people stood thick upon the stairs.
Divers of the elders shifted from it, but Mr. Thomson, one of
the elders of Braintree, (a man of much faith,) trode upon the
head of it, and so held it with his foot and staff with a small
pair of grains,^ until it was killed. This being so remarkable,
and nothing falhng out but by divine providence, it is out of
doubt, the Lord discovered somewhat of his mind in it. The
serpent is the devil; the synod, the representative of the
churches of Christ in New England. The devil had formerly
and lately attempted their disturbance and dissolution; but
* Pair of grains, a sort of fish-spear.
348 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1648
their faith in the seed of the woman overcame him and crushed
his head.
The synod went on comfortably, and intended only the fram-
ing of a confession of faith, etc., and a form of chm*ch discipline
(not entertaining any other business). For the first, they
wholly agreed with that which the assembly in England had
lately set forth. For the other, viz., for discipline, they
drew it by itself, according to the general practice of our
churches. So they ended in less than fourteen days.'
This month, when our first harvest was near had in, the
pigeons came again all over the country, but did no harm,
(harvest being just in,) but proved a great blessing, it being
incredible what multitudes of them were killed daily. It was
ordinary for one man to kill eight or ten dozen in half a day,
yea five or six dozen at one shoot, and some seven or eight.
Thus the Lord showed us, that he could make the same
creature, which formerly had been a great chastisement, now
to become a great blessing.
About the midst of this summer, there arose a fly out of the
ground, about the bigness of the top of a man's Httle finger, of
brown color. They filled the woods from Connecticut to Sud-
bury with a great noise, and eat up the young sprouts of the
trees, but meddled not with the corn. They were also between
Plymouth and Braintree, but came no fm-ther. If the Lord
had not stopped them, they had spoiled all our orchards, for
they did some few.
At the last meeting of the commissioners at New Haven,
information was given them, that Sequashin, a sachem near
' At this synod was laid down the famous Cambridge platform upon which
the Congregational polity of New England substantially rested until 1780. Twenty
years of experience had taught the leaders that Congregationalism might be
too absolute. Hence this grafting upon the original idea, of the council or
synod, which differed from Presbyterianism in not being permanent, only resorted
to in temporary emergencies, and yet was a decided check upon independency.
The platform or Book of Discipline, as it was often called, was adopted, hardly
with cordiality, but remained long in authority. See Palfrey, History of New
England, I. 330.
1648] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 349
Hartford, would have hired an Indian to kill some of the mag-
istrates of Hartford, whereupon he was sent for, but came not,
and being among other Indians about Pacomtuckett,^ they sent
for Unkas, who undertook to fetch him in, which he not being
able to do by force, he surprised him in the night, and brought
him to Hartford, where he was kept in prison divers weeks.
But there not being sufficient proof to convict him, etc., he
was discharged. Yet the Indians, from whom he was taken,
took it so to heart against Uncas, as they intended to make
war upon him, and the Narragansetts sent wampom to them
to encourage them; and accordingly in this month, there
were gathered together from divers parts about one thousand
Indians armed, three hundred or more having guns, powder,
and bullets, and were at Pacumtuckett preparing, etc., which
the magistrates of Hartford hearing of, they sent three horse-
men to them (one being very expert in the Indian language) to
know their intent, and to tell them, that if they made war upon
Uncas, the English must defend him. The Indian sachems
entertained the mcssengcre courteously ; and having heard their
message, they took time to give their answer, which was this,
viz. they knew the English to be a wise and warlike people, and
they intended not to fall out with them, therefore for the present
they would desist, and consider further of the matter. And
God had so disposed, as at the same instant they had intelli-
gence of a defeat given to some of their confederates by other In-
dians, which called them to their aid, and also the Narragansett
had failed to send them all the wampom he had promised. Thus
the Lord delivered us from that war, which must needs have
been very dangerous, especially to our brethren of Connecticut.
The Narragansett and Niantick dealing thus underhand con-
trary to their covenant, and being yet behind near one thousand
fathom of the wampom they should have paid us long since,
the commissioners, sitting at Plymouth, (7) (September) or-
dered four men to be sent to them, with an interpreter, with
* Pocumtuckett became later Deerfield.
350 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1648
instructions how to treat with them, both concerning their
hiring other Indians to war upon Uncas, and also about the
wampom behind. Captain Atherton and Captain Prichard,
assisted with two others, voluntarily undertook this service,
and went hence, 3 (8) (October 3). They were to have taken
Benedict Arnold for their interpreter ; but he being from home,
they went to Mr. Williams, who sent for the sachems. But
they had heard that many horsemen were come to take them,
which made Pesicus fly over to Rhode Island. Then our
messengers went to Niantick, where Ninicraft entertained them
courteously, (there they staid the Lord's day,) and came
back with them to Mr. Williams, and then Pesicus and Canoni-
cus' son, being delivered of their fear, came to them, and being
demanded about hiring the Mohawks against Uncas, they
solemnly denied it; onlj?- they confessed, that the Mohawk,
being a great sachem, and their ancient friend, and being come
so near them, they sent some twenty fathom of wampom for
him to tread upon, as the manner of Indians is. And Canoni-
cus' son, called [blank,] used this asseveration, viz. English-
man's God doth know, that we did not send to stir up or hire
the Mohawks against Uncas. Then they further promised,
that they would not meddle with Uncas, nor stir up any
other against him, before they had paid all their debt of wam-
pom to the English, and then they would require satisfaction
for all the wrongs Uncas had done them, and if the English
would not see them satisfied, they would consider what to do.
And for their wampom behind, etc., they desired the English
to bear with them, in regard their want of com last winter had
made them lay out their wampom to the English for corn ; but
in the spring they would provide part of it, and the rest so soon
as they could.
(8.) (October.)] A shallop having been fishing at Monhigen,
and returning with other boats, and being to put in at Dama-
rell's cove,^ the other boats fell to their oars (the wind failing)
* Now Damariscove Island, near Monhegan, on the Maine coast.
1648] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 351
and called upon this boat to do the Uke, that they might be
harbored before night ; but they were slothful, and neglected,
etc., whereupon she missed her way, and was spht upon a rock,
and all the men (being four, and one Indian) and all the goods
perished.
20.] In the time of our general court here arrived from
Virginia one Mr. Haryson, pastor of the church of Nanseman
there, and reported to us, that their chiirch was grown to one
hundred and eighteen persons, and many more looking towards
it, which had stirred up the governor there. Sir William Berk-
ley, to raise persecution against them, and he had banished
their elder, Mr. Durand, and himself (viz. Mr. Haryson) was to
depart the country by the third ship at furthest, which had
caused [him] to come now to take advice of the magistrates
and elders here about the matter. First he spake with the
magistrates, and propounded two things, 1. whether their
church ought not to remove, upon this persecution, 2. whether
we would advise them to remove.
To the first our answer was, that seeing God had carried on
his work so graciously hitherto, etc., and that there was so great
hope of a far more plentiful harvest at hand, (many of the
council being well inclined, etc., and one thousand of the people
by conjecture,) they should not be hasty to remove, as long
as they could stay upon any tolerable terms. 2. For the place
they should remove to, if necessitated, Mr. Haryson acquainted
us with a place allowed and propounded to them, and the oc-
casion of it, which was thus: Captain Wm. Sayle of Summers
Islands,^ having been lately in England, had procured an
ordinance of parhament for planting the Bahamas Islands
(now called Eleutheria) in the mouth of the gulf of Florida,
and wanting means to carry it on, had obtained of divers par-
hament men and others in London to undertake the work,
which they did, and drew up a covenant and articles for all to
enter into, who would come into the business. The first article
* Bermudas.
352 WINTHROP'S JOURNAL [1648
was for liberty of conscience, wherein they provided, that the
civil magistrate should not have cognizance of any matter
which concerned religion, but every man might enjoy his own
opinion or religion, without control or question, (nor was there
any word of maintaining or professing any rehgion or worship
of God at all ;) and the commission (by authority of the ordi-
nance of parliament) to Captain Sayle to be governor three
years was with limitation, that they should be subject to such
orders and directions as from time to time they should receive
from the company in England, etc. Upon these terms they
furnished him with a ship and all provisions and necessaries for
the design, and some few persons embarked with him, and
sailed to the Summers Islands, where they took in Mr. Patrick
Copeland, elder of that church, a godly man of near eighty
years of age, and so many other of the church there, as they
were in the ship in all seventy persons. But in the way to
Eleutheria, one Captain Butler, a young man who came in the
ship from England, made use of his liberty to disturb all the
company. He could not endure any ordinances or worship,
etc., and when they arrived at one of the Eleutheria Islands,
and were intended there to settle, he made such a faction, as
enforced Captain Sayle to remove to another island, and being
near the harbor, the ship struck and was cast away. The per-
sons were all saved, save one, but all their provisions and goods
were lost, so as they were forced (for divers months) to lie in
the open air, and to feed upon such fruits and wild creatures as
the island afforded. But finding their strength to decay, and
no hope of any relief. Captain Sayle took a shallop and eight
men, with such provisions as they could get, and set sail,
hoping to attain either the Summers Islands, or Virginia, or
New England ; and so it pleased the Lord to favor them, that
in nine days they arrived in Virginia, their provisions all spent,
etc. Those of the church reheved them, and furnished them
with a bark and provisions to return to relieve their com-
pany left in Eleutheria. Captain Sayle, finding the church in
1648] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 353
this state, persuaded them to remove to Eleutheria, which they
began to hsten unto, but after they had seen a copy of his com-
mission and articles, etc. (though he undertook to them, that
the company in England would alter any thing they should
desire, yet) they paused upon it (for the church were very
orthodox and zealous for the truth) and would not resolve
before they had received advice from us. Whereupon letters
were returned to them, dissuading them from joining with that
people under those terms.
(9) (November) 2.] Here arrived a Dutch hoy of about 30
tons, with cordage and other goods, seven men in her. She
came from the Isle of Wight hither in five weeks.
18.] One Bezaleel Payton of the church of Boston, coming
from Barbados in a vessel of 60 tons, was taken with a great
storm of wind and rain at east in the night, between Cape Cod
and the bay, so as he was forced to put out two anchors ; but
the storm increasing, they were put from their anchors, and
seeing no way but death before their eyes, they commended
themselves to the Lord, who delivered them marvelously, for
they were carried among Conyhasset rocks, yet touched none
of them, and put on shore upon a beach, and presently there
came a mighty sea, which lifted their vessel over the beach into
a smooth water, and after the storm was over, they used means,
and gate her safe out.
The like example of the blessing of prayer fell out not long
after in saving a small open vessel of ours, wherein was one
Richard Collicut of the church of Dorchester, who being east-
ward about trading was carried by a violent storm among the
rocks, where they could find no place to get out. So they went
to prayer, and presently there came a great sea, and heaved
their vessel over into the open sea, in a place between two rocks.
1649
11, (11.) (January 11.)] About eight persons were drowned
this winter, all by adventuring upon the ice, except three,
whereof two (one of them being far in drink) would needs pass
from Boston to Winisemett in a small boat and a tempestuous
night. This man (using to come home to Winisemett di'unken)
his wife would tell him, he would one day be drowned, etc., but
he made hght of it. Another went aboard a ship to make
merry the last day at night, (being the beginning of the Lord's
day,) and returning about midnight with three of the ship's
company, the boat was overset by means of the ice, they guid-
ing her by a rope, which went from the ship to the shore. The
seamen waded out, but the Boston man was drowned, being a
man of good conversation and hopeful of some work of grace
begun in him, but drawn away by the seamen's invitation.
God will be sanctified in them that come near him. Two
others were the children of one of the church of Boston. While
their parents were at the lecture, the boy, (being about seven
years of age,) having a small staff in his hand, ran down upon
the ice towards a boat he saw, and the ice breaking, he fell in,
but his staff kept him up, till his sister, about fourteen years
old, ran down to save her brother (though there were four men
at hand, and called to her not to go, being themselves hasting to
save him) and so drowned herself and him also, being past
recovery ere the men could come at them, and could easily
reach ground with their feet. The parents had no more sons,
and confessed they had been too indulgent towards him, and
had set their hearts over much upon him.
This puts me in mind of another child very strangely
drowned a little before winter. The parents were also mem-
bers of the church of Boston. The father had undertaken to
354
1649] JOHN WINTHROP, GOVERNOR 355
maintain the mill-dam, and being at work upon it, (with some
help he had hired,) in the afternoon of the last day of the week,
night came upon them before they had finished what they in-
tended, and his conscience began to put him in mind of the
Lord's day, and he was troubled, yet went on and wrought an
hour within night. The next day, after evening exercise, and
after they had supped, the mother put two children to bed in
the room where themselves did lie, and they went out to visit
a neighbor. When they returned, they continued about an
hour in the room, and missed not the child, but then the mother
going to the bed, and not finding her yoimgest child, (a daugh-
ter about five years of age,) after much search she found it
drowned in a well in her cellar ; which was very observable, as
by a special hand of God, that the child should go out of that
room into another in the dark, and then fall down at a trap
door, or go down the stairs, and so into the well in the farther
end of the cellar, the top of the well and the water being even
with the ground. But the father, freely in the open congrega-
tion, did acknowledge it the righteous hand of God for his
profaning his holy day against the checks of his own conscience.
INDEX
Abigail, ship, i. 160, 161.
Acomenticus, see York, Me.
Adams, Brooks, Emancipation of Mas-
sachusetts, i. 13, 275 n.; ii. 174 n.
Adams, C. F., Antinomianism in the
Colony of Massachusetts Bay, i. 242 n. ;
quoted, i. 255 n.; Three Episodes of
Mass. History, i. 53 n., 197 n., 222 n.
Agawam, see Ipswich.
Albany, ii. 33 n., 161 n.
Alden, John, Hocking episode, i. 124.
Alderman, John, i. 135.
Alexander, Sir William, ii. 181.
Allegiance to England, how construed,
ii. 309-315.
Allein, Francis, ii. 283, 338.
Allen, messenger to Aulnay, ii. 247.
Allen, Bozoun, ii. 229-245.
Allen, Rev. John, ii. 276, 291, 347.
AUerton, Isaac, i. 49, 65, 113, 119, 145,
156, 176; ii. 94, 220.
Ambrose, ship, i. 24, 50, 58.
Ames, Dr. William, i. 160 n.
Anabaptists, i. 297; ii. 39, 53, 177, 257,
259-260, 274-275, 282.
Anasquam, i. 166.
Ancient and Honorable Artillery Com-
pany, i. 260 n.
Andover, ii. 16 n., 99, 199, 262.
Andrew, Thomas, i. 68 n.
Andrews, Richard, gifts, i. 128; ii. 70,
222.
Antinomian controversy, i. 195-199,
201-207, 208-212, 215-218, 225, 226,
230, 258, 2.59, 273, 284, 297; ii. 260;
Wheelwright's fast day sermon, i. 211 ;
Synod acts in, i. 232-235; General
Court acts in, 239-241; Winthrop,
Short Story of the Rise, Reign and
Ruin of the Antinomians, i. 242-255;
Winthrop justifies himself, i. 256-257;
Mrs. Hutchinson examined, i. 260-
261, 263-265.
Aquidneck, see Rhode Island.
Arbella, Lady, see Johnson, Lady Ar-
bella.
Arbella, ship, i. 23; prepares for attack,
27-28; Winthrop's voyage on, 27-50.
Ark, ship, i. 131.
Armine, Lady, ii. 222.
Armine, Sir William, ii. 222 n.
Arnold, Mr., i. 286.
Arnold, Benedict, ii. 122, 123, 125, 350.
Articles of confederation, see Confedera-
tion of the colonies.
Aspinwall, William, i. 52, 241 n., 258;
ii. 164, 181; banished, i. 239; ii. 56.
Assembly of the elders, see Synod.
Assistants, court of, i. 52 n.; see also
General Court.
Atherton, Humphrey, ii. 140, 350.
Aulnay, Charles de, i. 163; ii. 182-183,
244; claims, i. 201; threatens trading
ships, ii. 88; English attack on Penob-
scot, ii. 180; negotiations with, ii.
202-205, 270,276, 284-285; captures
a Boston ship, ii. 322-323, 325-326;
death, ii. 248 n.; see also La Tour,
Austin, Mr., ii. 11.
Avery, Rev. John, i. 156.
Avery's Fall, i. 156 n.
Ayanemo, chief, i. 226.
Azores, i. 103, 208 n.
Bagnall, Walter, i. 69, 98.
Bahamas, ii. 351-353.
Bailey, Dissuasive, i. 233 n.
Baker, Mr., imprisoned, ii. 9.
Baker, John, ii. 29-30.
Baker, Robert, ii. 24.
Ball, Capt., i. 144, 181.
Ball, Mr., i. 279.
Baltimore, Lord, i. 120; ii. 67, 150.
Barbados, ii. 74, 142-143, 328.
Barcroft's wife accused, i. 108.
Barecove, see Hingham.
Barnstaple, founded, i. 308.
Barrington, Thomas, ii. 198.
357
358
INDEX
Barton, Rufus, ii. 341.
Batchelor, Rev. Stephen, i. 81, 169, 266;
ii. 45-46, 179, 221.
Bayley, Capt., ii. 197, 208, 256, 285;
sued by Madame La Tour, ii. 199,
204, 205-206, 208-209.
Beaver Brook, named, i. 73.
Beecher, Thomas, master of the Talhot,
i. 24.
Beggerly, Richard, i. 287
Bell, Philip, ii. 142-143.
Bellingham, Richard, i. 137, 146; depu-
ty governor, i. 149; quarrel with Win-
throp, i. 321-322; chosen governor,
ii. 31, 36; married, ii. 43-44; opposes
the other magistrates, ii. 46-48, 66 n.,
117, 189, 218, 266, 305, 306.
Bendall, Edward, ii. 67.
Benjamin, John, i. 178.
Bennet, Philip, ii. 73.
Berkeley, Sir William, ii. 163, 168, 351.
Berkley, Alderman, ii. 204, 207, 208,
256.
Bermudas, i. 126, 176; ii. 33 n., 351.
Bernard, Rev., i. 279, 293.
Bewett, Hugh, banished, ii. 17.
Bilbao, trade with, ii. 157.
Billington, John, hanged, i. 53.
Binks, Mr., i. 88.
Bird, ship, i. 107.
Bird Island, i. 146.
Blackstone, William, see Blaxton.
Blakiston, J., ii. 198.
Blaxton, William, i. 9, 50 n., 52 n.
Blessing of the Bay, ship, i. 65, 67, 68;
visits Long Island, i. 109; visits Con-
necticut River, i. 109, 128.
BHnman, Rev. Richard, ii. 58.
Block Island, i. 183, 186, 187-188, 228,
238
Bodij of Liberties, i. 323-324; ii. 49.
Bond, Dennis, ii. 293.
Book, of Discipline, ii. 348 n.
Boone Isle, sighted, i. 48.
Boston, i. 134 n., 218 n. ; named, i. 52 n.,
53; defences, i. 80, 86, 113, 124; In-
dian alarm, i. 91-92; first inn, shop,
and market, i. 120; allotment of town
lands, i. 114, 143-144; training day,
i.299; ii. 42, 107-108; harbor frozen,
i. 143; ii. 54; rules for ships, i. 180;
La Tour's visit, ii. 105-108; ships
seized at, ii. 183-187, 190, 197, 199-
201, 254-255; free trade, ii. 246.
Boston, church, i. 52 n., 83, 89, 114,
116, 209 n.; ordains Rev. John Wil-
son, i. 95; site, i. 318-319; ii. 23; at-
titude towards Winthrop, i. 324; see
also Antinomian controversy, Synod.
Bourne, Mrs., ii. 317.
Bourne, Nehemiah, ii. 253.
Bradford, William, i. 12, 57 n., 93, 97,
157, 305; ii. 324, 332, 342, 346; vis-
its Winthrop, i. 71, 103; Hocking epi-
sode, i. 128-129, 131; warns against
the Indians, i. 194; ii. 6, 115.
Bradstreet, Gov. Simon, i. 167 n.; ii. 28,
39, 117, 271, 305; commissioner of
confederation, ii. 98, 175, 339.
Braintree, i. 197.
Braintree company, i. 90.
Brewster, William, i. 93.
Bridges, Capt. Robert, ii. 247, 269-270,
323, 328.
Brierly, Rev., i. 219.
Briscoe, Mr., ii. 88, 91.
Briscoe, Nathaniel, i. 310-314; ii. 61.
Britton, Mr., i. 293.
Britton, James, ii. 161-163.
Broad Sound, i. 258; ii. 130.
Brook, capt. of the Gift, i. 53.
Brooke, Lord, i. Ill, 124, 137, 161.
Brookline, i. 90, 141, 294
Brooks, Mr., i. 228.
Brown, James, i. 183.
Brown, John, ii. 228-229, 261.
Brown, Richard, i. 66, 71, 95, 130, 137.
Browne, John, i. 12, 52 n.
Browne, Kellam, i. 14.
Browne, Robert, i. 7.
Browne, Samuel, i. 12, 52 n.
Brown's Island, i. 160.
Buckland, William, i. 68 n.
Bulkley, Rev. John, ii. 250.
Bulkley, Rev. Peter, i. 158, 182, 212,
232.
Bull, Capt., ii. 345.
Bull, Dixy, pirate, i. 82, 95, 98, 101.
Bumstead, Thomas, ii. 210.
Burdet, Rev. George, i. 279-280, 295,
328; complaints, i. 285, 300; fined,
ii. 8.
Burdock, master of the William and
Jane, i. 100.
Burglary by Harvard students, ii. 169.
Burleigh, capt. of Yarmouth castle, i. 25.
Burr, Rev. Jonathan, ii. 22-23.
Burrows, Mr., ii. 279.
INDEX
359
Burton, Thomas, ii. 271, 316-317.
Butcher, Union, ii. 228.
Butler, Capt., ii. 352.
Butterfield, Mr., killed, i. 192.
Cadiz, shipwrecks at, ii. 249-250.
Calvert, Leonard, i. 131; ii. 67, 150.
Cambridge, i. 84, 113, 134 n., 218 n.;
site, i. 54; named, i. 270; defences, i.
74, 78; church, i. 91, 111, 173-174;
wishes more land, i. 124, 126; migra-
tions to Connecticut, i. 128, 132-133,
180; court of elections, i. 215-216;
printing press, i. 293.
Cambridge assembly, see Synod.
Cambridge, Eng., agreement, i. 14.
Cambridge platform, ii. 348 n.
Cammock, Thomas, i. 92.
Cane, see Keayne, Robert.
Canonicus, chief, i. 65, 76, 89; ii. 134,
143, 350; Oldham episode, i. 184-186,
189, 190; treaty with, i. 192-194;
wishes to attack Uncas, ii. 168-169;
dies, ii. 324.
Cape Ann, see Gloucester.
Cape Cod, i. 46, 109, 138, 148.
Cape Porpoise, Me., i. 91.
Carman, see Kerman.
Carter, deputy governor of Providence,
West Indies, ii. 33.
Carter, Rev. Thomas, ii. 88.
Carver, John, i. 93 n., 94 n.
Casde Island, i. 130, 132, 180, 222, 263;
flag at, i. 174, 182; fortifications, ii.
155, 158-160, 251, 305 n.
Caterpillars, ii. 277.
Chaddock, Capt. John, ii. 150-151, 153,
156.
Champlain, Lake, i. 224 n.
Charity, ship, i. 178.
Charles River, i. 73, 287.
Charles, ship, i. 24, 51, 59, 81 ; ii. 20, 45.
Charlestown, i. 51, 52 n., 132, 134 n.,
218 n.; founded, i. 9, 13; church, i.
95, 121, 176.
Chauncy, Rev. Charies, i. 332; ii. 67.
Cheeseborough, William, i. 63.
Chelsea, i. 9, 50, 147.
Chesapeake Bay, i. 100 n.
Chickatabot, chief, i. 64, 68, 76, 89, 111;
ii. 156; visits Winthrop, i. 59, 62.
Child, John, New England's Jonas
cast up at London, ii. 339 n.
Child, Dr. Robert, ii. 321-322, 339-
340; petition of, ii. 271, 289, 295, 296;
charges against, ii. 297-299; answers,
ii. 299-303; fined, ii. 304; appeals, ii.
305, 306-307; imprisoned, ii. 308,
309, 316; counter petitions, ii. 309-
31.3.
Children sent from London, ii. 96.
Chippacursett island, i. 138.
Christopher islands, see St. Christopher.
Clark, George Rogers, i. 146 n.
Clark, John, constable of Watertown,
i. 78.
Clarke, John, i. 277; ii. 41.
Clerk, Mr., of Salem, ii. 316.
Cleves, George, i. 224; ii. 157-158, 266-
267.
Clotworthy, Sir John, i. 164.
Coach, ship, ii. 17.
Cochitawit, see Andover.
Coddington, William, i. 52 n., 60, 79,
100, 114, 143; upholds Mrs. Hutch-
inson, i. 215, 216, 219, 241 n., 297;
in Rhode Island, i. 270, 299, 331; ii.
41, 53 n.
Coggan, John, i. 120.
Coggeshall, John, i. 123, 239, 241 n.;
in Rhode Island, ii. 41, 334.
Cohasset, i. 238, 287, 305 n.
Colbron, William, i. 14, 53, 59.
Colchester, see Salisbury.
Cole, Andrew, capt. of the Little Nep-
tune, I. 29.
Cole, John, ii. 277 n.
Cole, Robert, drunkard, i. 120.
Cole, Samuel, i. 120.
CoUicot, Richard, ii. 353.
Collier, William, i. 131; ii. 98.
Collins, Mr., ii. 7-8, 39-40, 138.
Commissioners of plantations, hostile to
Massachusetts, i. 135, 307; demand
the patent, i. 274, 278, 301 ; Gorton
case, ii. 282-283, 292-293; Massachu-
setts petitions, ii. 309-313; reply, ii.
335-3.38; Virginia, ii. 163.
Concord, Mass., i. 158; church, i. 182,
212; ii. 68,278.
Concord, N. H., i. 306 n.
Confederation of the colonies, ii. 98-99,
141-142; proposed, i. 231, 287, 321
n.; ii. 82, 163; articles, ii. 100-105.
Congregationalism, ii. 348 n.
Connecticut, i. 61 n., 107, 108, 118; set-
tlements, i. 128, 132-134, 152, 161,
162, 163, 165, 166, 178, 180, 200;
360
INDEX
controversy with Plymouth, i. 103,
109-110, 144, 157, 174-175, 213;
with the Dutch, i. 103, 109-110, 144,
157, 301; ii. 32, 132-134, 278, 287;
with Massachusetts, i. 287-291; In-
dians in, i. 212, 265-266; ii. 79-80;
joins confederation, ii. 99-105.
Cook, George, ii. 140, 143-144.
Cook, John, ii. 96.
Copeland, Rev. Patrick, ii. 352.
Copp's Hill, ii. 63 n.
Corbet, Miles, ii. 198, 336, 338.
Corn, cost of, i. 64, 76, 131; used in
payment of debts, ii. 6; scarcity, ii.
91-92.
Cornhill, Mr., ii. 138.
Cornish, Mr., ii. 218-219.
Cotton, Rev. John, i. 52 n., 105-106,
119, 132 n., 135, 170, 174, 182, 267,
276, 279; ii. 139, 148, 260; preaches,
i. 15, 107, 133, 145, 231, 299; ii. 30,
70, 145; in Boston church, i. 108,
110-111, 114, 116, 128, 179, 319; ii.
14; upholds the magistrates, i. 124,
125 n., 143-144; ii.49,211; prepares
code of laws, i. 196; Way of the Coiv-
gregational Churches Cleared, i. 220 n.,
233 n.; commercial ethics, i. 317-318;
Body of Liberties, i. 323; sermons
printed, ii. 69; see also Antinomian
controversy; invited to Westminster
Assembly, i. 223 n.; ii. 71-72; men-
tioned, i. 120, 128, 142, 177 n., 213,
277, 285; ii. 20 n., 65, 130, 321 n.
Cotton, Seaborn, i. 107.
Council for New England, i. 10, 224 n.,
225 n.
Council, standing, i. 178; attack on, i.
304-305; ii. 59-60, 86-88.
Court, general, see General Court.
Coventry, R. I., ii. 122 n.
Cowper, Mr., of Piscataqua, i. 115.
Coytmore, Thomas, ii. 70, 92, 249.
Cradock, Matthew, i. 11, 23 n.; sug-
gests transfer of the government, i.
14; visits the Arbella, i. 23-24, 26;
defends the Mass. company, i. 101;
ii. 195; ordered to give up the patent,
i. 128-129, 300-301; mentioned, i.
44, 64, 66, 67, 119.
Craford, Mr., drowned, i. 130.
Cromwell, Capt., ii. 272-273, 285.
Cross, Mr., ii. 289.
Cross in the flag, see Flag.
Cura9ao, ii. 181 n., 345 n.
Customs duties, ii. 97, 246, 277-278.
Cutshamekin, chief, i. 186, 189; ii. 7,
75, 123, 276, 319, 344; treaty with,
i. 192-194; disarmed, ii. 74; submits
to Massachusetts, ii. 156, 160.
Cutting, Capt., i. 225.
Dacre, Francis, ii. 283, 293, 338.
Dalkin, Mr., ii. 165.
Dalton, Rev. Timothy, ii. 28, 39, 46, 179.
Damariscove Island, ii. 350 n.
Dand, John, ii. 271, 306, 308, 309, 316.
Dates, method of reckoning, i. 23 n.,
145 n.
Davenport, Rev. John, i. 223, 232, 247
n., 249; ii. 71-72; preaches, i. 230,
235; in New Haven, i. 265, 298, 308.
Davenport, Richard, i. 137, 186, 227.
Daye, Stephen, i, 293.
Dedham, i. 279.
Deer Island, i. 146.
Deerfield, ii. 349.
Defence, ship, i. 160.
Delaware river, attempt to explore, ii.
164, 181, 190-191.
Delaware settlements, ii. 56, 70, 101,
343.
Dell, George, ii. 329.
Denison, Daniel, ii. 270.
Dennison, George, ii. 323-324.
Deputies, see General Court.
Desire, ship, i. 187, 260, 331.
Dexter, H. M., As to Roger Williams and
his Banishment, i. 57 n., 243.
Dick, Anthony, i. 291.
Dickerson, Mr., i. 322.
Diving bell used in Boston harbor, ii.
67-68.
Dobson, Capt., ii. 325-326.
Dorchester, i. 132, 134 n.; settlers, i, 50,
52 n., 103, 218 n.; petitions for
Stoughton, i. 150 ; settlements in
Conn., i. 157, 174-175, 178; church,
i. 177, 187; ii. 22-23.
Dorety, Mr., drowned, i. 141.
Dove, ship, comes from Maryland, i. 131
Dover, N. H., i. 96 n., 320, 328; ii. 28 n.,
38, 89.
Downing, Emanuel, i. 14, 15, 60, 99,
111, 302; ii. 250; flag episode, i. 141;
house burned, ii. 220.
Downing, Sir George, i. 60 n.; ii. 84 n.,
250-251.
INDEX
361
Downing, Lucy, i. 302 n.
Dudley, Lieut., i. 63.
Dudley, Thomas, i. 14, 94, 182, 203; ii.
58, 60, 117, 261" chosen deputy gov-
ernor, i. 15, 215; ii. 269, 339; rela-
tions with Winthrop, i. 75, 77, 79, 84-
88, 91, 113-114, 169-171, 269; Puri-
tanism of, i. 104-105; chosen gov-
ernor, i. 125, 135; ii. 3, 229; member
of standing council, i. 178, 305 n.; re-
lations with Bellingham, ii. 47, 48;
commissioner of confederation, ii. 98,
175; relations with La Tour and
Aulnay, ii. 131,247,270; mentioned,
i. 49n., 60, 315n.; ii. 59, 177 n.
Dummer, Jeremy, i. 80 n.
Dummer, Richard, i. 80, 81 n., 112, 149,
215; gift to Winthrop, ii. 4.
Dummer, William, i. 80 n.
Dunkirk, i. 27.
Dunster, Rev. Henry, i. 332 n.
Durand, Mr., ii. 351.
Dutch settlers, i. 102, 130; ii. 4-5, 35,
181, 191; claim Connecticut, i. 109,
166; ii. 33, 160-161,330-333; Indian
troubles, i. 139, 219; ii. 95-96, 134,
276-277; negotiations with Massa-
chusetts, ii. 141-142, 176, 342, 340-
347; see also Connecticut.
Dutch West India Co., i. 109; ii. 33,
343 n.
Duxbury, mentioned, i. 200 n.
Dyer, Mary, i. 266-269.
Dyer, William, i. 266, 268.
Eames, Anthony, ii. 229-245.
Earle, A. M., Margaret Winthrop, ii.
327 n.
Earthquake of 1638, i. 270, 292; of
1643, ii. 91.
Eastham, i. 166.
Easton, Nicholas, i. 284; ii. 41.
Eaton, Nathaniel, i. 310-315; ii. 20, 332,
342.
Eaton, Theophilus, i. 223, 310; ii. 74,
161, 278, 287; goes to New Haven, i.
231, 298; commissioner for confeder-
ation, ii. 98.
Edwards, Gangraena, i. 65 n.
Edye, John, i. 99.
Eleanor, ship, ii. 57.
Eliot, Mr., of Ipswich, i. 142.
Eliot, Jacob, ii. 209-210.
Eliot, Rev. John, apostle, i. 70, 73, 142:
ii. 276; minister at Roxbury, i. 94;
preaches to the Indians, ii. 311, 319-
321, 324; Christian Commonwealth,
ii. 321 n.
Elizabeth Cape, i. 224.
Elizabeth Bonadventure, ship, i. 102.
Elizabeth Dorcas, ship, i. 128.
Elston, John, i. 66.
Elsynge, H., ii. 90.
Endeavor, ship, ii. 245.
Endicott, John, i. 49, 120, 305; ii. 16,
229, 269, 339; in Salem, i. 10, 11, 62,
117, 157, 285; ii. 25-26; married, i.
51; relations with the Indians, i. 61,
186-189, 191, 194; flag episode, i.
147, 149-150, 174 n.; member of
standing council, i. 215, 304, 305 n.;
deputy governor, ii. 49-50, 58; gov-
ernor, ii. 169; mentioned, i. 12, 52 n.,
69,212; ii. 20n., 247.
Epidemics in New England, i. Ill, 119;
ii. 2()7, 326; in West Indies, ii. 329.
Essex county, ii. 164 n., 170.
Everell, James, i. 294.
Ewre, Mr., i. 228.
Exeter, N. H., i. 197 n., 237 n., 294, 306,
321.
Faber, Mr., i. 329.
Fairfax, Sir Thomas, i. 218 n.; ii. 251.
Familists, i. 65, 262, .328; ii. 260,
Fareivelf to the Church of England, i. 26,
135 n.
Farrett, James, ii. 4.
Feake Isle, i. 100.
Feake, Robert, i. 73.
Felloivsliip, ship, i. 155 n.
Fenwick, George, i. 308; ii. 69, 145, 283,
336, 338; commissioner of confedera-
tion; ii. 98.
Feme, Capt., i. 181,224.
Field, Darby, ascends W'hite Mts., ii.
62-63, 85.
Finch, Mr., i. 53.
Firmin, Giles, i. 110.
Firmin, of Watertown, i. 54.
Firnes, Capt., ii. 248.
Fish, Gabriel, i. 329.
Fiske, John, Dutch and English Colonies
in America, ii. 161 n; Old Virginia
and her Neighbors, ii. 150 n.
Flag, defaced, i. 137, 141, 145, 147, 149-
150, 174, 180-182.
Fleming, Mr., ship master, i. 126.
362
INDEX
Flint, Rev. Henry, i. 315.
Footman, Mr., ii. 219.
Ford, W. C, i. 196 n.
Fort Orange, see Albany.
Fowle, Thomas, li. 271, 296, 297, 304 n.,
339.
Franklin, William, ii. 187-189.
Freeman, Samuel, house burned, i. 57.
Freight, eost of, i. 59.
French, relations with New England, i.
97, 145-146, 159, 214; see also Aul-
nay, Hocking episode, Kennebec, La
Tour, Penobscot.
Friendship, ship, i. 65.
Fryeburg, Me., ii. 85 n.
Fuller, Samuel, i. 52 n., 94.
Gabriel, ship, i. 156.
Gager, William, i. 52.
Gallop, John, i. 96, 105; Oldham epi-
sode, i. 183-184.
Garde, Roger, ii. 219.
Gardiner, Sir Christopher, i. 64; accused,
i. 63; petition of, i. 99, 100-101; ii.
10, 194; answer to petition of, i. 103,
104.
Gardiner, Lyon, i. 165.
Garrett, Richard, wrecked, i. 55-56.
General Court, development of, i. 51,
52 n., 74, 75 n., 125